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Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives on Policing
Security and Social Order 1st Edition Roxana Pessoa
Cavalcanti (Editor) Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Roxana Pessoa Cavalcanti (editor), Peter Squires (editor), Zoha
Waseem (editor)
ISBN(s): 9781529223668, 1529223660
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 10.32 MB
Year: 2023
Language: english
 S OUTH E RN AN D
POSTCO LO N IAL
PER S PECTIV E S O N
PO LI C I NG, SECURI T Y
A ND S O CIAL O RDER

EDITED BY
ROX AN A PES SOA C AVALC ANTI,
PETER SQUIRES AND
ZOH A WASEEM
 SOUTHERN AND
POSTCOLONIAL
PERSPECTIVES ON
POLICING, SECURITY
AND SOCIAL ORDER
Edited by
Roxana Pessoa Cavalcanti, Peter Squires
and Zoha Waseem
First published in Great Britain in 2023 by

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 Contents

List of Figures and Tables v

Notes on Contributors vi
Acknowledgements xi

1 Introduction: Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives on 1

Policing, Security and Social Order
Peter Squires, Roxana Pessoa Cavalcanti and Zoha Waseem

PART I Policing, Law and Violent Legacies

2 Asymmetric Policing at a Distance? Frontiers, Law and 23
Disorder in the Weaponized South
Peter Squires
3 From Overseer to Officer: A Brief History of British 45
Policing through Afro-​Diasporic Music Culture
Lambros Fatsis
4 Police Violence, Anti-​Police Protest Movements and the 62
Challenge of Decolonialism
Chris Cunneen
5 Crossing Red Lines: Exploring the Criminalization and 82
Policing of Sedition and Dissent in Pakistan
Ammar Ali Jan and Zoha Waseem

PART II Southern Institutions and Criminal Justice Politics

6 Reform, Restructure and Rebrand: Cursory Solutions to 105
Historically Entrenched Policing Problems
Danielle Watson, Nathan W. Pino and Casandra Harry
7 Democratic Policing in Authoritarian Structures: Policing 119
Models and the Exercise of Authority in São Paulo, Brazil
Viviane de Oliveira Cubas, Frederico Castelo Branco and
André Rodrigues Oliveira
8 Rioting Struggles in Brazil: Prison Gangs, Staff and 143
Criminal Justice Hegemony
Vitor Dieter

iii
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

9 The Political Economy of Punishment in the Global 169

Periphery: Incarceration and Discipline in Brazilian Prisons
Luiz Dal Santo

PART III Southern Narratives and Experiences: Culture,

Resistance and Justice
10 Colonial Violence, Contemporary Conflict and 191
Socio-​Ecological Renewal: Analysis from Bougainville
Blaise Iruinu and Kristian Lasslett
11 Exploring the Moving Lines of the ‘Global South’: 211
Citizenship and Political Participation in a Rio de
Janeiro Favela
Elizabete Ribeiro Albernaz
12 Social Mobilization and Victims of Violence: Emotional 232
Responses to Justice in an Urban Periphery
Valéria Cristina de Oliveira and Jaqueline Garza Placencia
13 Women, Peace, Security and Justice: A Postcolonial 251
Feminist Critical Review
Giovana Esther Zucatto

PART IV Conflicts, Criminalization and Protest in the New

Neoliberal Internationalism
14 The Contemporary Criminalization of Activists: Insights 269
from Latin America
Roxana Pessoa Cavalcanti, Israel Celi and Simone Gomes
15 Framing Human Insecurity between Dispossession 286
and Difference
Guilherme Benzaquen and Pedro Borba
16 Private Military Force in the Global South: Mozambique 304
and Southern Africa
John Lea
17 Distant Conflicts, Southern Deaths: The Trials of 322
Neoliberal Internationalism in ‘Southern Nowhere’
Peter Squires
18 Conclusion/​Afterword 346
Roxana Pessoa Cavalcanti, Zoha Waseem and Peter Squires

Index 354

iv
 List of Figures and Tables

Figures
7.1 Theoretical model of police perceptions of organizational and 130
distributive justice in support of ‘democratic policing’
7.2 Police perceptions: research results 132
8.1 Paraná riots in prisons and jails (1998–​2017) and total state 157
prison population (2003–​2014)
11.1 Morro do Palácio and the ethnic distribution in the 213
surrounding neighbourhoods
11.2 Morro do Palácio and the income distribution in the 214
surrounding neighbourhoods
12.1 Writings of memory on walls in Parque Santana 244
14.1 Protests led by women in October 2018, Recife, Brazil, 272
against the presidential campaign of Jair Bolsonaro

Tables
7.1 Sample descriptive statistics 131
A.1 Constructs and measures 136
A.2 Structural model 138
A.3 Indirect effects 139

v
 Notes on Contributors

Guilherme Benzaquen is Postdoctoral Fellow in Sociology at Federal

University of Pernambuco, Brazil. He holds a PhD in sociology from the
same institution. His research focuses on political sociology and economic
sociology, with an emphasis on collective violence, social movements
and financialization.

Pedro Borba is Lecturer in Political Science at Federal University of Rio de

Janeiro, Brazil. He holds a PhD in political science from State University of
Rio de Janeiro. His research interests are Latin American politics, sociology
of the state, critical theory and world-​system analysis.

Frederico Castelo Branco is a researcher at the Centre for the Study of

Violence, University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil. He has a PhD in political
science from USP. His work has focused on citizen–​police contact and
its consequences for attitudes towards police agencies, governments and
democracy in Brazil.

Israel Celi is Director of the Constitutional Law Programme at the

Universidad Técnica Particular de Loja, Ecuador. He is the author of the
book Neoconstitucionalismo en Ecuador: ¿Judicialización de la política o politización
de la justicia? (Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, 2017). His earlier work has
focused on participatory democracy, criminalization of activism and social
movements. Israel is pursuing a PhD in political science at Universidade
Federal do Rio Grande do Sul in Brazil. He also works in popular education
as Executive Director of Dolores Cacuango Foundation.

Chris Cunneen is Professor of Criminology at the University of New South

Wales (UNSW) Arts and Social Sciences and UNSW Law, Australia. He has
an international reputation as a leading criminologist specializing in juvenile
justice, restorative justice, policing, prison issues, human rights and Indigenous
people and the law. He is the author of several books including, with Juan
Tauri, Indigenous Criminology (Policy Press, 2016), and Conflict, Politics and
Crime: Aboriginal Communities and the Police (Allen & Unwin, 2020).

vi
 Notes on Contributors

Luiz Dal Santo is a DPhil candidate and Graduate Teaching Assistant in

Criminology at the Oxford Law Faculty, UK. He is co-​founder and co-​
convenor of the Oxford Southernising Criminology Discussion Group. Luiz
has previously been Visiting Lecturer in Criminology at the University of
Roehampton, and Research Assistant at the Oxford Centre for Criminology
and at the University of Hull. He has published papers on punishment,
penal populism, prison, policing, racism and criminal justice, Southern
criminology and criminal law. He is currently working, in collaboration
with other scholars, on four edited volumes –​on Southern criminology,
punishment in global peripheries, punishment in Latin America, and local
dimensions of the Brazilian mass incarceration.

Valéria Cristina de Oliveira is Professor at Faculdade de Educação (Faculty

of Education, FaE) at the Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais (Federal
University of Minas Gerais, UFMG), Brazil. Oliveira is also a researcher
at Centro de Estudos em Criminalidade e Segurança Pública (Center
for Crime and Public Safety Studies, CRISP) and at Núcleo de Estudos
em Desigualdades Escolares (Research Center on School Inequalities,
NUPEDE). She has a BA in social sciences (2006) and a master’s (2012)
and PhD (2016) in sociology from UFMG. She has prior experience in
state public administration of public safety policies (2007–​2010) and social
development in the Brazilian federal government (2010–​2012).

Viviane de Oliveira Cubas is a researcher at the Centre for the Study

of Violence, University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil. She has a PhD in
Sociology from USP, and her research interests include security and policing,
specifically police violence, community policing, private security, the police
ombudsmen, security in university campuses and police training. Currently,
her research focuses on police, legitimacy and democracy, a project developed
in the city of São Paulo.

Vitor Dieter has a PhD at the Doctorate in Global and Cultural

Criminology (DCGC, Eramus+​) from the University of Kent, UK. He is a
lecturer in applied criminology at the University of San Carlos de Guatemala,
Guatemala, and a postgraduate lecturer at the Institute for Criminology and
Criminal Policy, Brazil. His main topics of research are prison order, prison
gangs and Southern criminology.

Lambros Fatsis is Senior Lecturer in Criminology at the University of

Brighton, UK. His research interests revolve around police racism and the
criminalization of Black music (sub)culture(s), fusing cultural criminology
with Black radical thought. His writing on the policing of UK drill music
won the first-​ever Blogger of the Year Award from the British Society of

vii
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

Criminology and an Outstanding Research & Enterprise Impact Award from

the University of Brighton. When he doesn’t teach or write, he continues
to exist as a never-​recovering vinyl junkie and purveyor of Afro-​diasporic
music. His book, Policing the Pandemic, co-​authored with Melayna Lamb,
was published in 2022.

Jaqueline Garza Placencia is a full-​time lecturer-​researcher at El Colegio

de Jalisco, Mexico, and responsible for research in the rule of law, security
and justice, at the same institution. She holds a degree in communication
sciences from the Autonomous University of San Luis Potosí in Mexico; a
master’s degree in communication of science and culture from ITESO, and
a PhD in anthropology from the Regional University Ciudad de México.
She is a member of the National System of Researchers (SNI) Level 1 and
Associate Researcher at the Latin American Forum of Anthropology. She
is associated to the Latin American Forum for the Anthropology of Law,
Mexico, and is also the coordinator of the Permanent Seminar on the
Anthropology of Law at El Colegio de Jalisco.

Simone Gomes is Assistant Professor in Social Sciences at the University

of Pelotas (UFPel), Brazil. She holds a PhD in Sociology from the Institute
of Social Studies and Politics of the State University of Rio de Janeiro and
an MSc in Sociology from Université Paris 7 –​Denis Diderot, France. She
conducts research on narcotrafficking, violence and social movements. She
has published on gender theory, crime and social movements in Brazil and
Latin America.

Casandra Harry is Assistant Professor at the University of Trinidad and

Tobago. Her research interests are multidisciplinary in scope, spanning
criminology, sociology, gender studies and international relations. She
conducts research on plural policing and police reform with a focus on
developing countries.

Blaise Iruinu is a respected village elder, peace-​builder, knowledge

custodian, chief and political activist from Bougainville. Born in Onove
village in 1950, Iruinu was a key intellectual figure of the Bougainville
revolution. He has also coordinated a range of grassroots peacebuilding
initiatives following the subsequent conflict.

Ammar Ali Jan is a scholar and activist based in Pakistan. He obtained his
PhD in history from the University of Cambridge, UK. He researches the
formation of communist thought in colonial India. He is also the founder
and president of the Haqooq-​e-​Khalq Movement, which advocates for
democracy in Pakistan, and a member of Progressive International.

viii
 Notes on Contributors

Kristian Lasslett is Professor of Criminology at Ulster University, Northern

Ireland. His areas of research interest include state crime, corporate crime,
decolonization and political economy. He has been conducting research on
the Bougainville conflict since 2005, and has published widely on crisis. He
is producer of the feature documentary film Ophir and the co-​director of
the web documentary, The Colonial Syndrome.

John Lea is a visiting professor at Goldsmiths, University of London, UK. His

previous books include Crime and Modernity (2002) and Privatising Justice: The
Security Industry, War and Crime Control (2020) (with Wendy Fitzgibbon)

Roxana Pessoa Cavalcanti is a critical criminologist and author of the

book A Southern Criminology of Violence, Youth and Policing (Routledge).
She is a member of the British Society of Criminology and the European
Group for the Study of Deviance and Social Control, and is co-​leader of
the Cities Injustices and Resistance research group at the University of
Brighton, UK. Roxana conducts research that examines and contests the
criminalization of intersecting inequalities. She has written about urban
violence in Brazil, insecurity, feminism, cities, criminology, police violence
and the criminalization of dissent in Latin America.

Nathan W. Pino is Professor of Sociology and Honorary Professor of

International Studies at Texas State University, USA. His primary research
area focuses on the linkages between globalization, development, crime
and crime control. He is co-​author of Unraveling the Crime Development
Nexus: Modernization, Underdevelopment, Austerity, and the Post-​Neoliberal
Development Agenda (Rowman & Littlefield, 2022); Globalization, Police
Reform and Development: Doing it the Western Way (Palgrave Macmillan,
2012); and co-​editor of The Emerald Handbook of Crime, Justice, and Sustainable
Development (Emerald Publishing, 2021).

Elizabete Ribeiro Albernaz holds a PhD in anthropology. She is Visiting

Researcher at Wits University, South Africa and Vice-​coordinator of the
Laboratory of Studies on Conflict, Citizenship and Public Security (LAESP)
at Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF), Niterói, Brazil.

André Rodrigues  Oliveira is a researcher at the Centre for the Study of

Violence, University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil. He has an MSc in geography
from USP. His research focuses on attitudes towards the police, fear of crime,
and socio-​spatial heterogeneity through quantitative surveys and spatial analyses.

Peter Squires is Professor Emeritus of Criminology and Public Policy at

the University of Brighton, UK. His work covers a wide range of issues,

ix
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

including community safety, policing, youth crime, gangs, violence and

anti-​social behaviour management, as well as firearm-​related crime. He was
President of the British Society for Criminology (2015–​2019). He is the
author of several books, which directly examine gun-​enabled crime and
police armed response: Gun Culture or Gun Control? (Routledge, 2000),
Shooting to Kill? (Wiley/​Blackwell, 2010) and Gun Crime in Global Contexts
(Routledge, 2014). His most recent book, Rethinking Knife Crime (Palgrave)
was published in November 2021.

Zoha Waseem is Assistant Professor in Criminology at the Department

of Sociology, University of Warwick, UK. She obtained her PhD in
security studies from King’s College London in 2018. She researches
policing and security in Pakistan and is interested in critical criminology,
security studies and urban conflict broadly. She is also a co-​coordinator
for the Urban Violence Research Network. Her latest book is Insecure
Guardians: Enforcement, Encounters and Everyday Policing in Postcolonial Karachi
(Hurst & Co. and Oxford University Press, 2022).

Danielle Watson is Senior Lecturer at the Queensland University of

Technology, Australia. She conducts research on police/​civilian relations on
the margins with particular interests in hotspot policing, police recruitment
and training as well as many other areas specific to policing in small-​island
developing country contexts.

Giovana Esther Zucatto is Assistant Professor at the Institute of

International Relations and Defense of the Federal University of Rio de
Janeiro and PhD student in sociology at the Institute of Social and Political
Studies (IESP) of the State University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. She has a
degree in international relations from the Federal University of Rio Grande
do Sul, Brazil, and works as a researcher at the Center for Studies of Social
Theory and Latin America (NETSAL) and the South American Political
Observatory (OPSA). Her work focuses upon issues related to international
relations and sociology, especially with a gender focus.

x
newgenprepdf

Acknowledgements

The editors would like to thank the British Society for Criminology for
sponsoring and supporting the summer 2019 research day conference, from
which this book was developed, through its ‘innovation funding’. The
University of Brighton also provided administrative support, facilities and
resources for the event. Thanks to all our contributors for sticking with
the project over the intervening, pandemic-​impacted years. A number of
colleagues contributed to the original research day but chose, for various
reasons, not to write for the book, we thank them also for their contributions
and their support: Dr Jyoti Belur, Dr Sacha Darke, Professor Bill Dixon,
Professor Alison Wakefield and Philip Wane.
Roxana Pessoa Cavalcanti thanks the British Academy for supporting her
research (2020-​2022/​g rant number KFSBSF\100004) and providing the
opportunity to meet some of the other authors in this book, including Simone
da Silva Ribeiro Gomes, Valeria Cristina de Oliveira and Elizabete Albernaz
in Rio de Janeiro at the Urban Violence Symposium in 2020. She also thanks
the University of Brighton for the Sabbatical awarded in 2021 and the Rising
Stars Award in 2020, which facilitated the completion of this project and
enabled her to work with Guilherme Benzaquen and Giovana Zucatto in,
amongst other things, producing one of the chapters for the book. Roxana
is indebted to too many friends for helping to look after her children so
she could undertake fieldwork, write and attend conferences, including
Karen, Grace lara, Gilly, Nicoletta, Clare and Emilia. She thanks her friends
Stacey, Deanna, Marias, Nic, Raph and her children for providing welcome
distractions and is grateful to her partner for patiently sharing the childcare
duties that enable her to focus on her research.
Zoha Waseem would like to thank her colleagues at the Urban Violence
Research Network, King’s College London, and the University of Warwick.
She would also like to thank Ammar Ali Jan, Asad Jamal and a host of scholars,
journalists and activists from Pakistan who have contributed to and inspired
the research that informs her writing for this volume. She is also grateful
to her partner Yasser Kureshi and her parents Waseem and Talat for their
generous support and understanding.

xi
 1

Introduction: Southern and

Postcolonial Perspectives
on Policing, Security and
Social Order
Peter Squires, Roxana Pessoa Cavalcanti and Zoha Waseem

Southern perspectives in criminology: an agenda

Several chapters that make up a large part of this book began life as papers
presented at a ‘Southern Perspectives’ one-​day research seminar at the
University of Brighton in the early summer of 2019. The purpose of the
day was to draw together several academic/​theoretical research and network
connections to explore a range of emerging concerns relating to ‘Southern
Perspectives’ in criminology and existing scholarship on colonialism and the
decolonization of the criminological imagination –​or, in Agozino’s terms –​
developing a critique of ‘imperialist reason’ (Agozino, 2003).
In pursuing this agenda, the distance we might have to travel from the
familiar assumptions of academic criminology was, at this early stage, less
than absolutely clear to us, but we were hopeful and keen to explore. In
any event, Carrington et al’s remarkably concise, but wonderfully coherent
and challenging, introduction to Southern Criminology (2019) had recently
appeared –​preceded by the enormous, free-​ranging Palgrave Handbook
of Criminology and the Global South (Carrington et al, 2018). These texts
convinced us of the viability of criminology, a ‘rendezvous discipline’
like no other, as an appropriate vehicle for these developing enquiries.
As such, the present volume builds on established and growing efforts to
examine the ongoing legacies of colonialism on institutions of control and
practices of ordering (Agozino, 2003; Aliverti et al, 2021). This is a book
looking to facilitate dialogue between multiple critical and interdisciplinary

1
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

perspectives, in particular Southern and postcolonial perspectives, through

collaborations between activists, academics and intellectuals across the globe.
Some years ago, Jock Young had likewise remarked that the ‘very liveliness
of criminology and, at its best, its intellectual interest’ derived its place from
the busy crossroads of social theory, concerned especially with order and
regulation, political economy, and the state (Young, 2003: 97). Given our
current concerns with postcolonial legacies, policing and violence, and the
distinctive, frequently racialized, character of (in)security, (in)justice and
(dis)order in Southern contexts, these seem like indispensable themes. For,
as Carrington et al have noted:

[C]‌rime problems in the Global North … generally pale in scale

and significance alongside the violence (including armed conflicts,
military coups and grave human rights abuses) and other crimes that
seriously threaten human security in many Global South countries
… the countries with the highest rates of homicide, violence against
women, corruption and drug trafficking in the world are located in
the South … [while] a large proportion of the world’s police and half
the world’s 10.2 million prisoners are also to be found in the South.
(Carrington et al, 2019: 2)

Of course, in situating our project, it is important to be clear that any

reference to ‘the global South’ or ‘Southern perspective’ is far more than a
simple geographical descriptor. On the contrary, the idea of ‘Southern-​ness’
is intended to refer both to a dynamic relationship and a social division.
The division concerns the way in which ‘Southern-​ness’ defines a distinct
space –​or series of spaces. Here, key assumptions regarding the nature
of order, the role and capacity of the state and political authorities, the
purpose of law, the nature and infrastructure of security, the formation of
‘civil society’ (and the norms, relations and values found there), and the
character of ‘justice’, rest upon foundations often quite different than those
prevailing in the ‘North’. To take a specific example relevant to our present
project, the role, character and functions of the police in many Southern
or postcolonial areas (Cole, 1999; Thomas, 2012; Owen, 2016), despite
later convergences and the now widespread practice of international policy
transfer, can still reveal significant differences, deriving from their imperial
histories, in comparison with the police in many Northern jurisdictions.
Taking up these themes, Watson, Pino and Harry (Chapter 6, this volume),
describe the difficulties entailed in reforming a postcolonial policing system
in Trinidad and Tobago, noting especially the problems of policy transfer
in a still resistant policing culture. Cubas, Branco and Oliveira (Chapter 7,
this volume) raise similar questions in respect of the dual (civil and military)
policing systems in Brazil and, in particular, the potential of a model of police

2
 Introduction

‘due process’ to act as a catalyst for police reform. However, the distance to
be travelled here, as regards police reform, is starkly depicted in Evans et al’s
work, Equal Subjects, Unequal Rights (2003), wherein the primary purpose
asserted for a law to govern the dispossessed Indigenous peoples of the
colonies was boldly stated as to ‘deter them from attacking colonists’, and
for that reason, martial law and a brutal summary justice exercised by local
police were especially recommended (Evans, 2005: 57). Many of the chapters
in this volume explore similar contrasting perceptions of values and practices
(order making, justice and due process, rights and liberties, and notions of
security) that differentiate the ‘Northern’ and ‘Southern’ experiences. In
this light, Dal Santo (Chapter 9, this volume) explores the applicability of
a ‘political economy of punishment’ explanatory framework to account for
the particular shape and functioning of Brazilian penal policy, and the role
and nature of prisons and penal discipline.

Sustaining legacies
Already, in accounting for such differences and the divisions upon which
they were based, the vital dynamic producing and sustaining the legacies
of North and South is emphatically revealed: imperial conquest followed
by political subordination, economic exploitation, juridical subjection,
racial discrimination and persecution, and, on some occasions, genocidal
annihilation (Gott, 2011). In this way the ‘South’ is constituted as the space
where these multiple imperial and colonizing practices were played out and
where the abused, marginalized and dispossessed were construed as inferior
‘races’. And there began the process of economic underdevelopment (Frank,
1966; Rodney, 2018 [1972]) by which kleptocratic Northern states and
corporations both enslaved and later indentured and transported Indigenous
workforces to serve a range of Northern commercial interests (Williams,
2021 [1944]). As Carrington et al remark, ‘being “under-​developed”
or economically backward was not the normal or natural condition of
countries so labelled, but commonly a consequence of their subordinate
place in the global economic and political order’ (2019: 4). Northern/​
European colonist settlers dispossessed Indigenous people of their historic
homelands (often relocating them to reservations and work camps –​or
simple banishment), ravaged their flora and fauna (creating plantations,
ranches and cash crops in their place) and extracted raw materials (Lasslett
and McManus, 2018; Williams 2021 [1944]). Later, Southern lands
became (legal and illegal) dumping destinations for global waste, hazardous
products and processes (Pearce and Tombs, 1998; Lasslett, 2017). Indigenous
peoples who protested or resisted these infractions were in turn harassed,
killed or criminalized. Chapters in this volume by Benzaquen and Borba
(Chapter 15), and Cavalcanti, Celi and Gomes (Chapter 14), detail several

3
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

contemporary aspects –​struggles around mineral extraction, deforestation

and the commercialization of agriculture, and the criminalization of protest –​
of these historical realities of Southern experience. Similarly, in a highly
original contribution curated by Lasslett (Chapter 10), Chief Blaise Iruinu
from Bougainville, a respected tribal elder, activist and knowledge custodian,
narrates an Indigenous experience of cultural disruption associated with
colonization that led to alienation, impoverishment and marginalization for
Indigenous peoples. From the 1960s, a commercial mining development
further dispossessed people of traditional landholdings, culminating in a
conflict in which some 20,000 people were killed, although, in turn, this
laid the foundations of an independence movement capable of breaking
free from colonial legacies. Iruinu’s account reiterates the argument that
‘the reasons that a certain story matters to a specific people are themselves
historical’ (Trouillot, 1995: 13). Such narratives draw essential cultural
connections with the past, ‘reinterpreting what it is to be human’ (Satia,
2020) in the face of oppression and ideological conditioning. Iruinu and
Lasslett’s chapter in this collection is a recognition of the many subjugated
Southern and Indigenous narratives that have been lost, forgotten or which
remain still yet undiscovered.
It is precisely the experience of marginalization and persecution which
leads Cunneen and Tauri (2017) to insist that any Southern or postcolonial
criminology should position the construction of indigeneity at its centre.
This would include localized intersectional hierarchies and identities of rural/​
urban, class, race, religion, gender and sexuality, including the consequences
of imperialism for each. In this regard, West (2003) narrates an astonishing
account of the gender-​targeted tax collection practices developed in colonial
Mozambique in the 1890s. The Portuguese authorities had effectively
subcontracted tax collection to a private company who administered a
‘hut tax’ (essentially the same as that established by the British in Kenya
[Elkins, 2005]). However, when news of the impending arrival of the tax
collectors reached the villagers, the men would abscond. Frustrated by the
disappearance of the men, the company changed tactics, now targeting the
women as tax subjects. They began kidnapping the women, taking them
to jails where they were held until their tax/​ransoms were paid. ‘Captive
women were forced to work, until ransomed, were often denied sufficient
food, and were sometimes beaten and/​or raped. One report indicated two
or three deaths per day of women held at a particular company post’ (West,
2003: 99). Women who had been paid for were given tokens to prove that
payment had been made, so that they would not be taken again –​at least
until the next taxes were due.
Dynamics of ‘dependency-​producing and dependency-​experiencing’, the
combined legacies of global capitalism, neoliberal imperialism and coercive
policy transfer, remain vital to contemporary Southern and postcolonial

4
 Introduction

perspectives. Drawing out these kinds of issues in a concrete case study in

this volume, Albernaz (Chapter 11) depicts the cross-​cutting solidarities,
alliances, divisions and tensions impacting the life and work of a community
activist/​entrepreneur in a marginalized urban favela in Rio de Janeiro. Her
illustration reveals how governmental actions can frustrate rather than
promote the establishment of welfare, social justice and order. These are
certainly not issues exclusive to the global South, but the favela context
represents such divisions as especially stark contrasted realities.
So much of the rhetoric of empire, the accumulated common sense of
imperialism, has internalized many of the fabricated ‘truths’ of colonialism
including, for example, the imputed character and behavioural traits of various
subjugated peoples as ‘savage’, ‘lazy’, ‘untrustworthy’ or ‘violent’ (Gilroy,
1982; Nigam, 1990; Kumar, 2018; Carrington et al, 2019: 18–​19) although
sometimes also ‘intelligent’ (but often translated as ‘calculating’). In so doing,
the importance of context and social determinism in the shaping of adaptive
and coping behaviours was entirely overlooked, somewhat akin to blaming the
victim. Connell (2007) has shown how such selective misunderstandings of
race and difference, now elevated to the level of science, reinforced a modernist
metropolitan racism at precisely the time that social science was first taking
recognizable shape. For our particular purposes, this was when criminology,
allied with anthropology and eugenics, was positing the existence of a savage
and atavistic ‘criminal man’ (Pasquino, 1980), doomed to supposed extinction
in the face of ‘progress’, although there were undoubtedly many European
imperialists and frontier settlers happy to assist the process (Lindqvist, 1997;
Wolfe, 2006). Furthermore, while criminology looked southwards to describe
a savage, uncivilized criminality to be found in that hemisphere for many
years, it largely overlooked ‘the use of violence as a tool of states and nation-​
building and its role in war, conquest and colonisation’ (Carrington et al,
2019: 21). When developing our critique of these ideological formulations
it is important, as Trouillot (1995) has noted, to write against the prevailing
discourses of power. In the 18th century, he notes:

Colonization provided the most potent impetus for the transformation

of European ethnocentrism into scientific racism … the more European
merchants and mercenaries bought and conquered other men and
women, the more European philosophers wrote and talked about
Man … [yet] non-​European groups were forced to enter various
philosophical, ideological, and practical schemes … ultimately some
humans were more so than others. … Blacks were inferior and therefore
enslaved; black slaves behaved badly and were therefore inferior. In
short, the practice of slavery in the Americas secured the blacks’ position
at the bottom of the human world … culturally destined to be slaves.
(Trouillot, 1995: 75–​77)

5
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

Further compounding the transnational inequality that is such a potent

legacy of Europe’s history of imperialism and more contemporary neoliberal
globalization are yet further examples of the Southern legacy of postcolonial
disruption and conflict. War (and weaponization), political and economic
insecurity (poverty), religious persecution and strife, as well as rising sea levels,
drought and land degradation, resulting from climate change, have mobilized
many hundreds of thousands of new refugees and asylum seekers exiting
Southeast Asia, sub-​Saharan Africa and Latin America,1 seeking new hope
in the global North (McAdam, 2012; Welzer, 2012). Their reception, either
in refugee relief camps run by international aid agencies, or confronting the
reluctant, discriminatingly litigious and ‘hostile’ immigration environments
of ‘fortress’ destination countries (Goodfellow, 2019) and their Immigration
Removal Centres (their naming already predicated on the assumption of
‘removal’), both echo and reinforce a divisive racism (Anderson, 2013). They
add a new layer to the dependency/​racial vilification dynamic we have already
alluded to. The work of police, security and borders agency institutions –​
agents or contractors of the state –​routinely, sometimes violently, reinforcing
postcolonial boundaries, are still diligently performing the legacy work of
empire (Aliverti, 2013; Elliott-​Cooper, 2021; Trafford, 2021).
Welzer (2012) makes the point that climate change, in and of itself,
may not always be sufficient to mobilize widespread migration. Invariably
climate change catalyses other regional tensions and localized resentments,
conflicts and divisions, destabilizing economic relationships and social orders,
fomenting protest, corrupting states and weakening the rule of law as elites
(both governments and corporations) increasingly come to disrespect the due
processes that sustain democracy (persecuting trade unions, restricting rights
to protest, weakening protections for accused persons and ‘unleashing’ the
police, disrupting electoral procedures, cultivating hostilities). Civil wars, a
major producer of refugees, can result. Many conditions can trigger a civil
war, but a plentiful supply of weapons and ammunition (through licit and
illicit channels) can both exacerbate and prolong the killing (Greene and
Marsh, 2012). It follows that attempting to intercept, disrupt and prevent
illegal weapon trafficking to ‘outlaw’ states and non-​state groups (militia,
insurgencies, terror cells and organized criminal networks) is a major
priority of international law enforcement agencies including the United
Nations (UN) (Squires, 2014, 2022). The Arms Trade Treaty adopted by
the UN General Assembly in April 2013 has been a significant vehicle for
that ambition.
Later European imperial centres tended to look upon Southern and colonial
societies and their compromised political regimes with a patronisingly
superior mixture of avarice, contempt and irritation, carefully balancing
‘settler economic interests’, a measure of administrative legitimacy, with an
effective hegemony, even ‘winning hearts and minds’ (Weiner, 2009). Earlier

6
 Introduction

empires had been rather less discerning. These were lands, and peoples, for
conquest and exploitation. Governance arrived by gunboat and was violently
imposed by whip and rifle butt, the mundane regularity of everyday colonial
violence (Fanon, 2005 [1963]; Muschalek, 2019), for these ‘uncivilized and
inferior savages’ could, it was implied, appreciate nothing else. There were
many manifestations of resistance to these logics, not least the struggles for
decolonization. As Fanon wrote:

Decolonization is the encounter between two congenially antagonistic

forces that in fact owe their singularity to the kind of reification secreted
and nurtured by the colonial situation. Their first confrontation was
colored by violence and their cohabitation –​or rather the exploitation
of the colonized by the colonizer –​continued at the point of the
bayonet and under cannon fire. … Decolonization is truly the creation
of new men. … Decolonization … implies the urgent need to challenge
the colonial situation. (Fanon, 2005 [1963]: 2)

Koram (2022) narrates an account of how in 1920 –​significantly, only a

year following the Amritsar massacre in India –​delegates of the National
Congress of British West Africa arrived in London to press for legal and
political emancipation. Although things appeared to be progressing well
initially, they were soon met with increasing political resistance. Lloyd
George refused to meet with them and the final blow to their ambitions
came from colonial governors in Nigeria and the Gold Coast. They warned
the government ‘not [to] take these over-​educated elites, dressed up in the
clothes and vocabulary of English gentlemen as representative of the West
African masses. Real Africans, they insisted, were primitive, fiercely tribal,
and nowhere near ready to handle the modern pressures of statecraft’ (Koram,
2022: 21). In the event, Churchill determined that there was ‘no prospect’
of African self-​government any time soon. The matter was closed.
Yet just as dispossessed peoples were criticized for their own ‘backwardness’
and lack of ‘civilization’, so ‘failed’ and ‘failing’ states (militarily destabilized,
politically dominated, economically exploited) were likewise castigated for
their own ‘failure’. Unable to exercise competent governance, secure their
own borders, uphold the law, or keep the peace, or –​tellingly –​regulate
the supply of military hardware (small arms and light weapons), such
states became prone to coercive policy interventions, sanctions, arms and
trade embargoes intended to police their own failing governance. Anna
Stavrianakis (discussed in the chapter by Squires, Chapter 2, this volume)
suggests this is why international arms control efforts can represent the
latest version of imperialist reason, or global neoliberalism. She argues that
arms control itself ‘contributes to the reproduction of imperial relations’
while the problems of armed conflict, interethnic division, corruption

7
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

and organized crime are perceived to be strictly internal to Southern states

(rooted in their failure to establish a monopoly of legitimate violence, in the
classic Westphalian mode of statecraft). Defining the problem in this fashion
leaves contemporary Northern imperial influences, colonial legacies and the
global relations of armed violence (the arms trade itself, still dominated by
Northern and European states) conspicuous by their absence (Stavrianakis,
2011: 195, 205).

‘Boomerang effects’
In the global neoliberal order, failed states are ‘bad states’ which need to be
policed, order restored, authority re-​established, and consent –​well, maybe
consent –​and the rule of law can wait. Analysing recent counterinsurgency
doctrine and the activities of international partners fighting the ‘war on terror’
after 9/​11, Caroline Holmqvist argues that recent liberal interventionism has
collapsed a distinction between war and policing (Holmqvist, 2014). While
some of the chapters in this volume might take issue with some aspects of this
characterization, there is a substantial historical literature on the conflation
of military force and policing activities within the realm of empire (Elkins,
2005; Newsinger, 2006; Gott, 2011; Thomas, 2012; Walter, 2017; Dwyer
and Nettelbeck, 2018). The assessment rests in part upon contrasts between
the ‘formal’ and ‘linear’ large-​scale European wars of the 18th–​20th centuries,
where troops fought in regular regimental ranks or squares, line-​abreast and
later in trenches, firing coordinated volleys and advancing (although not
retreating) in parade-​ground order. This way of fighting contrasts markedly
with the irregular, asymmetric, ‘risk-​transfer’, ‘new’ insurgent or ‘policing
wars’ of the later 20th century and beyond (Kaldor, 1999; Shaw, 2005)
which, as Lea (Chapter 16, this volume) shows, now rely extensively upon
private military companies in all aspects of battle logistics, except actual
fighting (although sometimes, often covertly, that too). And yet, as Walter
(2017) clearly demonstrates, there was nothing quite so asymmetric as the
old colonial wars (modern firepower versus tribal weapons, with predictably
disproportionate casualty rates) and often mercenaries of various kinds were
centrally involved. And yet, in the guerrilla insurgencies, suicide bombings,
ambush tactics, and improvised explosive devices of recent conflicts, we
have a colonial violence ‘boomerang effect’ like no other. Even the low-​
tech ‘terrorist knife attacks’ of recent times have their colonial precedent
in the ‘amok killers’ of colonial Malaya, which contemporary authorities
viewed as the result of weak and primitive masculine ‘natures’ exercising an
indiscriminate, impotent and frustrated, undercivilized violence (Wu, 2018).
Koram (2022) draws upon Cesaire’s colonial ‘boomerang effect’ in which
‘all experiments carried out in the peripheries of the empire eventually
come flying back to its very heartland’ (2022: 5). This idea entails several

8
 Introduction

dimensions. In the first place, the re-​importation of policing techniques

originally deployed in overseas trouble-​spots around the empire, for example
the practices of surveillance, public order management, interrogation
and internment deployed in Kenya in the 1950s (Elkins, 2005), found
ready application in Northern Ireland in the early 1970s, some of which,
as described by Hillyard in ‘From Belfast to Britain’ (1981) and Suspect
Community (1993), eventually found their way into mainland policing
practices. Lambros Fatsis (Chapter 3, this volume) describes similar efforts
at cultural and musical suppression in Afro-​diasporic communities now
being employed to close Black music venues and prevent ‘drill’ music
performances. Another version of the effect, termed ‘blowback’ in arms
control circles, refers to the way that weapons, originally manufactured in
Northern and European factories, from whence they are exported around
the world before, in due course, make their way, albeit illicitly, back home
to arm gangs and organized criminal groups (Squires, 2014: 237, 244).
The boomerang effect is also reflected in patterns of immigration –​we are
here because you were there –​prompting destination countries to resurrect, at
home, the discriminatory orders that prevailed abroad. In this sense, as both
Trafford (2021) and Sanghera (2021), in their own ways relate, Empireland
comes home too.
And finally, the boomerang effect turns full circle when modern
postcolonial armies are required to fight modern insurgencies that bear
striking resemblance to the ‘small wars’ (Callwell, 1996 [1896]) fought by
their predecessors in the period of imperial conquest many years earlier.
The context is still empire, but everything has changed, not least a strong
preference to see these new wars for democracy, or ‘regime change’ –​wars
to create order –​as primarily ‘policing operations’ or ‘peacekeeping’ exercises
(Holmqvist, 2014). In Holmqvist’s case the notion of ‘policing war’ serves
as a narrative of legitimation, reiterating that both the ends for which the
war is fought are themselves just and that the conduct of military intervention
(fighting) corresponds to the rules of war, the international neoliberal order,
for example, the Geneva Conventions. In her analysis, the thinking about war
has changed ‘as a result of the ideological quests of liberal interventionism
and liberal internationalism’ (2014: 3).
For Neocleous (2014), by contrast, taking inspiration from Foucault’s
depiction of liberal modernity founded upon a ‘military dream of society’
(Foucault, 1977: 169), both war and policing are already closely intertwined
‘as processes working in conjunction as state power’ (Neocleous, 2014: 13,
emphasis in original). The goals of such processes are revealed as security,
order and accumulation. Here, Neocleous connects his earlier analysis of
the origins of ‘policing’ in The Fabrication of Social Order (2000) with the
wider imperatives of colonial accumulation and global pacification which at
first produced and now sustain neoliberal internationalism. While domestic

9
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

policing confronts the enduring internal ‘enemies of order’, an external police

power, in constant search of new opportunities for accumulation, similarly
confronts the permanent global enemies of international order. In this way,
Neocleous offers a reinterpretation, consistent with much recent revisionist
historiography of both empire-​building and imperial policing, of ‘Empire’ as
a form of war power and of capitalism as violence. He continues by insisting
that ‘far from outlawing violence, liberalism seeks to regulate it and see that
it is exercised for just reasons, offering an argument not against war, but
for war conducted in the right manner and the right reasons’ (Neocleous,
2014: 42, emphasis in original). And, we might add, against the right persons,
associations or states. It follows that ‘the history of liberal thought needs to
be read in terms of the history of capitalist violence’ (Neocleous, 2014: 45),
while liberal empire’s presumed greatest achievement, international law,
although disguised as a means to ‘peace and security, law and order –​even
civilisation’, a commitment to ending violence and oppression, is nothing
more than ‘international war in action’ (Neocleous, 2014: 46). In these
respects, the contemporary rule of neoliberal internationalism follows closely
in the paradoxical footsteps of its European and Northern forerunners,
exploiting and killing, obscuring and colluding, all beneath an ideological
veneer of justice, civilization and peace, although seeking ‘hearts and minds’
once again. Where once the enemies may have been Indigenous peoples,
nomadic tribes and peasants, today such groups are joined by ‘rogue states’,
protestors, dissenters and resisters, insurgents and terrorists, militias and
cartels. And in this ‘new world order’ as Carrington et al (2019: 13) remark,
remnants of older empires return in new roles and forms. Carrington et al
refer specifically to the role of British overseas territories now serving as tax
havens, but one might also refer to contemporary practices of incarceration
rendition and interrogation, the tactics of gang surveillance and disruption
(Nijjar, 2018), the selectivity applied to immigration/​refugee status and the
differing rights accruing thereto (Aliverti, 2013), and even the policing of the
pandemic (Fatsis and Lamb, 2022) and protest movements (Jan and Waseem,
Chapter 5, this volume; Cunneen, Chapter 4, this volume).
With specific reference to constructions of gender and ethnicity one might
cite the deplorable practice of ‘virginity testing’ of would-​be immigrant South
Asian women (Smith and Marmo, 2011) in the 1970s, a scrutiny reflecting
a wide range of intersecting subordinations of gender, race, identity, class,
identity and labour market value. As Carrington et al remark, ‘gendered
violence … is a much bigger problem in the global South’ (2019: 39), with
commentators addressing intimate partner violence, femicide, rape, honour
killings, emotional abuse and coercive control, sexual trafficking, female
infanticide and genital mutilation (DeKeseredy and Hall-​Sanchez, 2018;
Miedema and Fulu, 2018). As DeKeseredy and Hall-​Sanchez note, however,
recognizing the disproportionate concentration of violence against women

10
 Introduction

in the global South is not to pathologize the region or its inhabitants, nor
to minimize the victimization faced by women in Northern developed
cultures; rather, it is to recognize the importance of contexts: rural living,
poverty, a lack of support services or alternative opportunities, asymmetrical
gender relations and ‘traditional’ value systems (2018: 885). And as Giovana
Zucatto describes in this volume (Chapter 13), women from the global South
have organized for many years to press for change and an emancipatory
feminist politics that recognizes the specific nature of the legacies of a
colonial patriarchy.
Yet even culturally significant killings recycle tensions powerfully inflected
by Southern and postcolonial racial divisions. The three examples which
follow all represent what Carrington et al (2019: 12) refer to as illustrations of
‘the South in the North’ or what we have also referred to as the ‘boomerang
effect’ or cultural ‘blowback’ in which ideas, practices and values taking their
first shape in a Southern colonial context migrate to the urban metropolitan
north. Here one might cite both the judgement of ‘institutional racism’
imposed upon the Metropolitan Police in 1999 as well as the self-​justificatory
‘explanations’ offered by officers for their apparent investigative failures
(Foster, 2008). In a first case, the shooting of Trayvon Martin in Florida
in 2012, by an ‘armed citizen’ protected by the state’s ‘stand your ground’
law, a delegated racialized power to kill with impunity (Gray et al, 2014),
which symbolically energized the #BlackLivesMatter movement and showed
how legacies of racism, fear and mistrust persist. In this volume, Cunneen
(Chapter 4) takes up the account of how the #BLM protests fed into a
broader global challenge, often rooted in Southern experiences, regarding
discriminatory police use of force against Black and/​or Indigenous peoples,
including police killings of Aboriginal people in Australia, police shootings
in the United States and violence and extrajudicial killings and excessive use
of police force in Kenya and Nigeria. In India, Belur (2010) and Jauregui
(2016) have similarly described how armed police ‘encounters’, or a form
of extrajudicial ambush killings observed across South Asia, have existed in
a cultural landscape bordered by denial, tolerance and impunity, defining
a particularly robust approach to policing gangs and organized crime with
rather familiar colonial antecedents. In respect of Brazil, Chevigny (1995)
and Willis (2015) relate similarly ‘exceptional’ policing practices.
In a second case, Razack (2020) has explored the 2014 killing of a 27-​year-​
old Navajo woman by a White police officer following a suspected offence
of shoplifting in Winslow, Arizona. She argues that both the shooting itself,
and the way that it is narrated in official and media accounts, as a ‘justifiable
use of force’ (emphasis added), reveal and recycle the

psychic and material underpinnings of a settler state … that continually

imagines itself as a community of whites imperilled by Indians. …

11
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

White settler violence directed at those imagined as threats lives just

beneath the surface of everyday life, and flows through institutions
such as policing, embedding itself in everyday professional routines.
(Razack, 2020: 1)

In similar fashion Stevenson’s detailed account in the Contested Murder of

Latasha Harlins (2013) excavates the class and ethnic tensions entailed when
a Korean shopkeeper shot and killed a 15-​year-​old African-​American girl in
Los Angeles in 1991, importantly prefiguring the patterns of urban conflict
reflected in the following year’s LA riots as African-​American rioters targeted
Korean-​owned businesses. Other writers have developed conceptions of
aggressive and hostile ‘frontier’ or ‘Southern masculinity’ emboldened by
weapon ownership (Farr et al, 2009) and gendered oppression reflected
especially in rates of intimate violence, rape and femicide in northern Mexico
and South Africa (Olivera, 2006; Staudt, 2008; Abrahams et al, 2012).
The scale and resilience of contemporary criminal, terrorist or insurgent
groupings has certainly facilitated the discursive slippage from policing to
warfare (Steinert, 2003). Northern ‘policing wars’ are rhetorically waged on
‘crime’, on drugs, even on ‘poverty’ and, most recently, on ‘terror’. Policing –​
and societies themselves –​are said to have become increasingly militarized
(Kraska, 2001; Balko, 2014), criminal justice agencies subsumed within the
wider goals of social and political security and economic ordering. And yet in
many Southern jurisdictions, dual policing systems comprising civil and state
or military police (as in Brazil, Mexico and Pakistan) continue to perform
differentiated crime control and security functions, while differentiations
between ‘high’ and ‘low’ policing undertake similar responsibilities on a more
global scale (Andreas and Nadelmann, 2006: 61). Low policing addresses
everyday violence and criminality, and as Carrington et al (2019) make clear,
the Global South has more than its fair share:

[A]‌lmost all, (42 out of 43) of the countries ranked by the WHO as
having the highest rates of death by violence in the world are in the
global South [and] … of the 50 most violent cities in the world, 46
are in the global South [furthermore] … the distribution of violence,
especially lethal violence, is highly racialised in the world today.
(Carrington et al, 2019: 34–​35)

By contrast, high policing engages with more elevated security risks

including threats to the political and economic order, and to states (such as
from terrorism and insurgencies). Neocleous (2014) has noted the tendency
of commentators to refer to the increasing paramilitarization of policing
without acknowledging the profound militarism of high policing, its evident
departure from familiar notions of accountability, just as military interventions

12
 Introduction

have tended to cloak themselves in a narrative of ‘peace-​building’, ‘regime

change’ and security governance (Holmqvist, 2014) –​or, as Neocleous would
put it, war for international order, or violence for peace and prosperity.
In such contexts Neocleous (2016) depicts various ‘universal adversaries’
against which we might pit our forces; George W. Bush was undoubtedly
targeting terrorists in his post-​9/​11 ‘war on terror’ announcement, but the
neoliberal imagination construes many others, from the trade union ‘enemies
within’, to protesters and resisters of all kinds, ‘enemies of progress’ or of
property rights. The line runs from the victims (or survivors) of empires,
slavery or genocide, those caught up in the surrogate conflicts of the Cold
War (Grandin, 2011), many of them originally located in the South, to
those still trapped in their contemporary legacies of race, gender and class,
many of them of the South, even if no longer resident there: refugees,
migrants, disenfranchised guest workers, the poor. Studying police violence
in Guyana, Mars (2002: xiv) argues that the issue ‘cannot be adequately
addressed without an understanding of the enduring legacy of colonialism
and its role in the definition of the police function’. Similarly, discussing
the ongoing persecution and criminalization of Indigenous and Black land
activists in Honduras, Loperena (2017: 801) points to a ‘lack of political will
to resolve long-​standing issues of racial inequality … because it is important
to understand the [contemporary] development model as a continuation and
expansion of economic practices from earlier historical periods’. To these
examples we might add the failure to address inequalities of class and gender,
of poverty, disease and climate change, in the face of which, especially in
the postcolonial South, policing, security and the forces of political and
economic order too often stand as reinforcements to social exclusion rather
than pathways to social justice. These ‘Southern Perspectives’ are the core
themes of our book, and the chapters which follow.

Structure of the book

We have arranged the chapters in parts. In Part I chapters by Squires, Fatsis,
Cunneen, Dal Santo, and Jan and Waseem explore different aspects of the
postcolonial legacies in the global South. These include the weaponized and
especially violent forms of paramilitary policing as ‘pacification’ characteristic
of Southern postcolonial policing, and the inseparable connections between
policing and imperial dominance, as discussed in the chapter by Squires.
Next, Fatsis considers the hostile and racially discriminatory policing of
Black Afro-​diasporic cultures, explored via a case study of the regulation of
Black music styles in the United Kingdom. Cunneen explores the violent
policing legacies which, under the impetus of the #BlackLivesMatter
activism, coalesced globally as a series of protest campaigns against racist
police violence. And finally, Jan and Waseem explore the enduring legacies

13
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

of colonial laws, in particular the laws of sedition, and how such frameworks
are retained by postcolonial states to police and control activism and civil
society resistance, as in Pakistan.
Part II specifically addresses aspects of Southern policing and in particular
the apparent difficulties of penal reform in Southern contexts. Cubas, Branco
and Oliveira examine how the organization and structure of Brazilian
policing challenges perceptions of legitimacy and due process, by assessing
the support among police officers themselves for procedural justice practices.
Watson, Pino and Harry assess the prospects for the adoption of community-​
centred policing strategies in Trinidad and Tobago, especially considering
a seemingly non-​receptive police culture. Dal Santo discusses the distinct
political economy of punishment which has significantly shaped the nature
and role of Brazilian penal policy and the character of its penal discipline.
Also drawing upon research in Brazil, Dieter explores how prison riots are
borne out of the hegemonic nature of the prison apparatus and may be caused
by struggles for hegemony and control between authorities and inmates.
Part III engages with Indigenous and Southern experiences by tracing,
first, the narrative of an Indigenous historian, Chief Blaise Iruinu, from
Bougainville (curated by Lasslett) as he relates a cultural history of colonial
dispossession, marginalization, war and resistance, in so doing reconnecting
with a potent alternative cultural history. A second case study, by Albernaz,
centres upon the boundaries, tensions and relationships negotiated by a
community activist/​entrepreneur working in a favela in Rio de Janeiro.
Relatedly, Oliveira and Placencia explore the collective narratives regarding
young victims of violence in São Paulo, Brazil, showing how they express a
powerful sense of community loss and empathy. Finally, Zucatto’s chapter in
this part describes the efforts of feminist activists to articulate and campaign
for a progressive feminist politics to challenge the continued exclusion of
women and the explicit acknowledgement of women’s rights in international
security, peacebuilding and reconstruction projects and agreements.
We acknowledge mainstream criminology’s complicity in generating
knowledge that is used to legitimize and maintain the oppression of
marginalized, Black and Indigenous people around the globe (Agozino,
2003; Cavalcanti, 2020), and use this book as a critical intervention, a
platform to dissent and turn our gaze to the legacies of colonialism, crimes
of the powerful, and political and environmental harms. Accordingly,
in our final part, Benzaquen and Borba begin by outlining the forms
of colonial expropriation and exploitation, which, in contemporary
neoliberal imperialism, have continued to generate deepening forms of
human insecurity because of land grabs, enforced population displacement,
primitive and extractive accumulation, and coerced and exploitative labour
contracts. Complementing and developing this analysis is a chapter by
Cavalcanti, Celi and Gomes, who draw upon findings from Mexico, Brazil

14
 Introduction

and Ecuador to explore how new laws, the police and criminal justice
agencies have been employed to crush dissent, deter and criminalize activists
and campaigners, stigmatizing trade unionists, environmental and human
rights advocates as criminals, terrorists and insurgents to delegitimize and
disrupt social movements. Recognizing the increasing involvement of private
security agencies, corporate military logistics enterprises and even private
military companies in security work, surveillance, police work and war
work, Lea examines the issues arising when states engage private forces to
engage in state-​sanctioned conflict or protect the interests of transnational
corporations –​sometimes against citizens themselves. Finally, Squires explores
a number of war crimes and abuses that have taken place across conflict
zones, including Iraq and Afghanistan, in the aftermath of colonial rule, and
discusses how violence, pacification and military and police power remain as
relevant to contemporary neoliberal imperialism as they were to empire’s past.
Collectively, these chapters also contribute to the growing range of
perspectives that address both inequalities and divisions within our academic
scholarship and practice, especially in mainstream criminology that has had
an overwhelming focus on the ‘metropolis’. Often this has come at the
risk of marginalizing postcolonial states and peripheral societies in terms of
the epistemic value they add to the study of crime (and criminalization),
justice, policing, security and social order. As such, the contributions in
this volume collectively speak to decolonial, postcolonial, Southern and
critical perspectives, contributing to debates that are still developing and
evolving, and furthering them with the ultimate aim of amplifying the
voices, experiences and epistemologies of those on the margins (Connell,
2007; Aliverti et al, 2021).

Note
1
By 2050 World Bank predictions suggest there are likely to be in excess of 140 million
‘climate migrants’ moving to more hospitable environments (Walter, 2022: 76).

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20
 PART I

Policing, Law and Violent Legacies

 2

Asymmetric Policing at a Distance?

Frontiers, Law and Disorder in the
Weaponized South
Peter Squires

Introduction
Discussing the development of law and order in a global context, Comaroff
and Comaroff (2012) have argued that our understanding of the nature
and development of policing would be better informed by more fully
incorporating perspectives on the operation of policing systems in the ‘global
South’. They make this argument in marked contrast to what they refer
to as a central assumption of Euromodernity that invariably sees the ‘global
South’ as forever tracking behind the North, ‘behind the curve of universal
history, always in deficit, playing catch up’ (2012: 12; Connell, 2007). Instead,
they argue, ‘there is good reason to think the opposite’, for ‘[g]‌iven the
unpredictable … dialectic of capitalism and modernity in the here and now,
it is the south in which radically new assemblages of capital and labour are
taking shape [prefiguring] the future of the global North’ (Comaroff and
Comaroff, 2012: 12). And of course, where capitalism, governance and
refashioned social orders lead, policing systems are likely to be thoroughly
implicated, a sharp reminder, discussed later in this chapter, that ‘Southern’
and colonial (weaponized, unaccountable, asymmetric) policing and
security systems, far from being reformed are, in fact, lying in wait. As Bell
(2013) has also argued, it is important not to see policing policy transfers
as ‘uni-​directional’: for often, supposedly ‘exceptional’ police practices
more usually deployed in the colonies and typically ‘seen as having been
particularly marked by paramilitarism’ and intensive surveillance (especially
‘widespread during the period of decolonisation as local forces sought to
deal with political insurgency’ and ‘suspect populations’) have also come to

23
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

be increasingly normalized within Britain itself (Bell, 2013; see also Nigam,
1990a, 1990b; Elkins, 2005; Fekete, 2013; Silvestri, 2019; Elliott-​Cooper,
2021 for imperial examples). Cole also notes that one of the difficulties in
assessing colonial policing resides ‘in the lack of a clear distinction between
policing and military action’ and in any event, ‘most of the colonial senior
police officers in Africa and Latin America were recruited directly from the
imperial armies … and the majority of the police forces … were paramilitary
units’ (Cole, 1999: 89).
These questions, the blurred distinctions between policing and quasi-​
military force and the legacies they represent, form a central concern of the
chapter. In addition, I draw upon a number of Southern and postcolonial
contributions to global policing development, an issue which has already
accumulated a substantial literature (Arnold, 1986; Brogden, 1987; Anderson
and Killingray, 1991, 1992; Cole, 1999; Emsley, 2014; Owen, 2016).
The discussion is developed via a commentary upon two closely related
aspects of the legacy of empire in the global South and, therefore, two
characteristics fundamental to ‘Southern’ policing traditions and related
practices of security making and social ordering: firstly the proliferation
of firearms and, secondly, the development and persistence of armed and
(quasi-​)militarized forms of policing.1 In some respects, these issues are
addressed, in part, to try to answer some of the further questions posed by
Comaroff and Comaroff in 2006. How are we to account for the seemingly
violent and disorderly character of postcolonial (Southern) societies and
their apparently corrupt and ungovernable, frequently authoritarian, often
unequal and highly racialized, cultures of security and order maintenance,
persisting –​even growing –​in an era of democratization (Comaroff and
Comaroff, 2008; Collier, 2009)? As they suggest, there is indeed ‘something
deeper’ at issue here, and the story of imperial conquest, the weaponization
it entailed and the punitive authoritarianism by which it was sustained, are
part of that answer. Central to both are questions about what policing did,
what it represented and how it evolved.

Weaponizing the world

Recent publications by, respectively, the United Nations Office of Drugs
and Crime (UNODC, 2020) and the Small Arms Survey reveal important
patterns regarding the prevalence of lethal violence around the world and
the proliferation of firearms. In 2018, the Small Arms Survey estimated that
there were just over one billion firearms on the planet, an increase of some
32 per cent (or some 200 million firearms) over the decade, and a doubling
since 1995 (Karp, 2014, 2018). Roughly 85 per cent of these weapons were
in civilian hands (13 per cent held by the military and the remaining 2 per
cent by law enforcement agencies), although only 12 per cent are recorded

24
 Asymmetric Policing at a Distance?

as legally registered or licensed within the jurisdictions in which they are

held. Discussing the collection of data on global firearms, Karp has noted that
firearms ‘can be hardest to find in many of the places where armed violence is
worst’, or, conversely, ‘where they are needed most’ (Karp, 2018: 10). In light
of these estimates (notwithstanding questions regarding the reliability of the
data) firearm proliferation has been recognized as a significant independent
(although not isolated) variable in the production of armed violence, conflict
and insecurity (Greene and Marsh, 2012: 250). Weaponization undoubtedly
features as both cause and consequence of regional violence and insecurity,
including racialized inequalities, economic dislocations and political divisions
(‘regime’ factors), fomenting an aggressive individualism and accelerating social
breakdown (Currie, 2005). This is likely to be especially acute particularly
where a preponderance of angry young, lower-​class men (the foot-​soldiers of
gangs, cartels, militias, warlords, organized crime, insurgencies and terrorist
groups –​and not overlooking armies and private military contractors) see
weapon use and ownership as a much sought-​after form of empowerment
and opportunity (Squires, 2014: 249). Reflecting this regional distribution of
weapon proliferation, the UNODC Global Homicide Report (volume 3) reveals
that, in 54 per cent of global homicides, firearms are the means of killing,
and this is especially so in Southern and postcolonial regions –​the Americas
(in particular Central and Southern America), Africa and, although rather
less so, Asia (UNODC, 2019: 75–​77).
Accounting for this historic patterning of firearm proliferation, Headrick
(1981) sought to explore what he called the largely uncharted relationship
between technology and imperialism, although he wrote at a time prior
to the widespread recognition of a distinctly ‘Southern’ epistemology and
related perspectives on issues of development, governance, race and social
order. His complaint was that, with a few notable exceptions (although,
in the 19th century, the invention of the breech-​loading rifle and, later,
the Maxim gun, were certainly among them), historians of empire and
of technology had seldom drawn together their findings, in order to help
develop a fuller understanding of conquest and subordination, or the legacies
of violence and racism thereby established. However, the account requires
rather more than a technologically determinist account of the ‘hardware
of imperialism’, for just as various technologies played their part, so did
a willingness to use those technologies to exterminate, expropriate and
institutionalize racial hierarchies, shaping for posterity the social relations
between colonial interlopers and Indigenous peoples.
One of the most obvious legacies of the imbalance of weaponry was the
slave trade itself, ‘at the time of the slave trade, imported guns had been one
of the main commodities for which slaves were exchanged, and in turn these
guns were used to capture more slaves’ (Headrick, 1981: 106). Satia (2018),
likewise, describes how a gun-​making industry centred on Birmingham, the

25
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

‘workshop of the world and the arsenal of the empire’, distributed firearms
across four continents. She writes:

[B]‌y 1815 the British empire owed its existence to the Midlands’ ability
to produce guns … a talent [developed] through the long competitive
patronage of the East India Company and the Ordnance office …
and strong demand for guns on the Western frontier … whilst in
Africa where they were bartered, as currency, for slaves, enabling slave
gatherers to capture more slaves. (Satia, 2018: 145, 193)

Chew (2012) likewise describes a three-​stage process of direct relevance

to weapon proliferation, globalization and ‘Southern’ security. The first
stage involved the industrialization which modernized and mass produced
firearms; the second stage involved the ‘tentacles of empire and indigenous
crisis through which arms procurement was first “globalised”’. Finally, there
is a third stage, which we will encounter later, associated with the ‘crescendo
of violence augmented by arms proliferation [through] which arms control
was first internationalised’ (Chew, 2012: 2–​3).
Firearms were dispersed into Indigenous Southern and colonized regions
in many ways; in the course of formal trading, as we have seen, and following
military encounters where firearms were lost, surrendered or stolen. Firearms
were widely distributed throughout settler communities, often as a delegated
or (semi-​)official arm of colonial policies intended to subjugate Indigenous
peoples or consolidate landownership in frontier regions (Dunbar-​Ortiz,
2018) so as to act as buffer zones for centres of colonial administration (Gott,
2011; Horne, 2017). Firearms were also sold, as contraband, by gunrunners
seeking to exploit Indigenous demand for new weapons. Indigenous peoples,
for example tribes in North America, sometimes engaged in games of
‘brinkmanship’, allying themselves with different colonial powers, the English
or the French, in order to obtain supplies of firearms (Schilz and Worcester,
1987). Recent scholarship has revealed how firearm proliferation –​or
cultural weaponization –​effectively remade many Southern and colonial
societies (Squires, 2014). Likewise, Storey argues that ‘the proliferation of
firearms in South Africa … was a decisive factor in constituting the new
society’ (Storey, 2008: 17). In many Southern cultures, the right to own
a gun became closely connected to one’s status and position in the social
and racial hierarchy of the colonized society. While firearms ‘served as vital
tools in wild country for harvesting animal capital: for subsistence, sport and
soldiering’ not to mention personal defence, they were ‘also invested with
a set of cultural codes … signifiers of colonial might, masculine prowess,
elitist adventuring and ritualised control over space, the firearm conferred a
power far beyond its ballistics range’ (Jones et al, 2013: 2). One feature of this
power was the genocidal licence granted to European colonizers and their

26
 Asymmetric Policing at a Distance?

agents to treat Indigenous peoples as part of the very wilderness to be tamed

by firepower as reflected in the bounties to be claimed for scalps, heads and
other souvenirs of conquest throughout the empire (Brown, 1972 [1970];
Gott, 2011; Lindqvist, 2018). According to Dunbar-​Ortiz (2018: 46), on
the US frontier ‘scalp-​hunting became a lucrative commercial practice from
the early 18th century onwards … the authorities had hit upon a way to
encourage settlers to take off on their own … to gather scalps, at random, for
the reward money’ in so doing they ‘established the large-​scale privatisation
of war within American frontier communities’ (Grenier, 2005: 39–​43).
This turning of genocide into souvenir hunting was by no means confined
to North America; Sir Joseph Banks the renowned botanist and president
of the Royal Society who had accompanied James Cook on his voyage to
Botany Bay in 1768–​1771 and, later, was largely responsible for laying out
Kew Gardens, was sent a consignment of pickled heads –​for his private
collection –​of Aboriginals killed in Australia (Gott, 2011: 90).
Conceptions of race and masculinity constructed around gun ownership
were later reflected in the efforts made by many authorities (the southern US
states being perhaps the best known) to regulate the ownership of firearms
(in the name of ‘gun control’) by Indigenous peoples or ‘subordinate’ races
(Wendt, 2007; Storey, 2008: 52–​53; Johnson, 2014). Muschalek (2019)
similarly details a prohibition imposed in German South-​West Africa on
Africans and other non-​Europeans owning firearms. As Shear et al (2003)
have noted, in South Africa, these concerns extended to the question of
the arming of Black police officers, even as the regime relied upon Black
officers policing the majority dispossessed populations. From 1890 onwards,
international efforts began to ‘bring the thriving global trade in small
arms under control’, while the disarming of colonial subjects was seen as a
‘precondition for asserting the authority of the [colonial] state’ (Jones et al,
2013: 9). In this, a powerfully imperialist, and still continuing, imperative
in arms control can be seen to have its roots.
In a series of important articles, Anna Stavrianakis (2011, 2016, 2019)
has criticized the core assumptions of a ‘conceptual Eurocentrism’, which,
she argues, has continued to reproduce key assumptions about the global
South as the problematic, but fortunate, beneficiary of benevolent Northern
interventions, a viewpoint which substantially obscures and exonerates the
continuing political, economic and military preponderance of Northern
states. In short, she argues, ‘small arms control contributes to the reproduction
of imperial relations’ while ‘the problem of small arms and armed violence
is ultimately deemed to be internal to Southern states and regions, [and]
the international relations of armed violence remain conspicuous by their
absence’ (Stavrianakis, 2011: 195, 206, emphasis added). This perspective,
she argues, consistently ‘obscures the role of the legal, state-​sanctioned
trade, and the uneven development of capitalist globalization that creates

27
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

the conditions for the violence conducted with a variety of categories of

arms’ largely procured from the global North (2011: 207) and ultimately
legitimizing liberal forms of militarism (Stavrianakis, 2016). She continues,
arguing that arms control processes often marginalize both historical and
structural forces operating throughout international governance processes
and that the resulting asymmetry in small arms control treaties reproduces
a perception that the supposedly ‘weak’, ‘failing’ or ‘corrupt’ nations of
the South are unable to exercise control over the means of violence and
the conflicts these provoke. She concludes that the implied requirement
for ‘guidance, support, and other forms of intervention by a coalition of
actors led by Northern agencies, is what makes this an imperial relation’
(2011: 195). Ultimately, this perspective recycles and reproduces older
Northern imperialist notions about the bringing of order, civilization and
religion to the uncivilized and heathen wildernesses of the South.
In a later article exploring the tensions ‘between arms transfer control
and militarism’ and exposing the Northern imperial legacies persisting in
weapons control processes, Stavrianakis insists that whether ‘expressed in
terms of sovereignty, political economy, or human security’ contemporary
arms control processes still evidence competing modes of militarism, and
‘are underpinned by ongoing imperial relations: racial, gendered and classed
relations of asymmetry and hierarchy that persist despite formal sovereign
equality’ (Stavrianakis, 2019: 58), thereby reiterating the need for feminist,
postcolonial anti-​militarist critiques of the arms control process (Stavrianakis,
2019: 58). Having stripped away much of the supposedly ‘civilizing’ ethic,
attached to many attempts to control the proliferation of firearms in Southern
postcolonial and frontier cultures, it is important to recognize that many
such efforts were undoubtedly motivated (then, as now), in part, by the
willingness and ability of many Indigenous peoples to acquire firearms in
order to fight back against their White imperial overlords and oppressors,
or otherwise, as insurgents, terrorists, militias or drug cartels, to destabilize
the existing neoliberal order.

The liberal myth of imperial policing

A directly parallel ambition, largely entangled in the same ‘liberal paradox
of empire’ (Dwyer and Nettelbeck, 2018; Andrews, 2021), or of liberal
militarism (Stavrianakis, 2016; Stavrianakis and Stern, 2018), and equally
struggling for compelling evidence, has concerned the much heralded
civilianization of policing (or, in a wider sense, the misleadingly labelled
‘winning of hearts and minds’ strategy),2 to which we turn in the next section.
As has been noted, a particular irony of this empire policing story has been the
fact that police reform and, even then, an especially paramilitary version of
policing with frequent resort to martial law, has only been deemed possible in

28
 Asymmetric Policing at a Distance?

the wake of punitive colonial campaigns to quell rebellions, insurgency and

unrest. The argument here draws upon and extends important conclusions
deriving from the work of I.D. Balbus (1973), which offered an analysis
of public order policing (the US race riots in Los Angeles, Detroit, and
Chicago) in the mid-​1960s. US police public order management practices
very much reflected the forceful (and legally questionable) police practices
of colonial population control (Neocleous, 2014). Balbus likewise argued
that the imposition of order invariably preceded the application of the law.
Order served as its own axiomatic justification; justice often followed as a
distant second. In his impressive study of inter-​racial murder cases around
the British Empire in the late 19th century, Martin Weiner (2009) shows, in
similar fashion, how justice and due process only gradually replaced arbitrary
private violence (the beating of servants and employees, or random brutality
towards ‘natives’) that had been deemed necessary to preserve the racialized
colonial order. Similar strategies –​order first/​justice later –​have continued
to characterize the policing of large-​scale industrial disputes (Christian,
1985) or ‘gang’ cultures (Nijjar, 2018).
As Dwyer and Nettelbeck conclude, it becomes impossible to reconcile
the disjuncture ‘between imperial self image and colonial realities’ (2018: 5).
Actually policing Indigenous communities (as opposed to repressing or
controlling them) was not something that many colonial police agencies
were equipped, or much interested, in performing. In any event, any such
policing often proceeded largely upon the basis of deep-​rooted suspicions
about the criminal inclinations or violent temperaments of the subject ethnic
groups involved, rather than any notions of due process or evidence gathering
(Chemery, 2017; Nigam, 1990a, 1990b). Whether in the French, British
or Dutch empires, ‘race was the primary variable ordering colonial life’
(Anderson, 2017: 106) and forceful armed policing was largely a consequence
of a perceived need to ensure security and order in empires riven by racial
difference, dispossession, injustice and punitive cruelty, but in which a spirit
of insurgent resistance, buoyed up by access to the weapons of the oppressor,
was becoming increasingly possible. Hill (2018), drawing upon a range of
research collated by O’Reilly (2018), details similar tensions and relations
in the policing of the Lusophone (Portuguese) Empire. Kumar (2018)
describes a constant tension between ‘the rule of law and the rule of force’
in rural India, where ‘state coercion was continuous and subtle, and woven
into the warp and weft of everyday life, in the form of policing’ and able to
respond to trouble very quickly ‘with spectacular use of violence’ (2018: 131,
134–​135) or ‘exemplary punitive force’ (Bennett, 2013). Furthermore, as
Newsinger has argued, ‘once a country was conquered, imperial rule was
maintained by force. Whatever the particular architecture of imperial rule,
it always rested in the end on the back of a policeman torturing a suspect’
(Newsinger, 2006: 17). As Dwyer and Nettelbeck add, ‘policing was not

29
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

only essential to the maintenance of imperial rule [it] was often its most
visible symbol’ (2018: 12).
Revisionist histories of policing have long ago dispelled many of the myths
associated with the development of policing systems around the world. In
Britain, the much vaunted ‘Peelian Principles’, which have for far too long
been held to embody the spirit and philosophy of British policing, have
largely been exposed as a post-​hoc fabrication (Loader, 2016), a 20th century
and chiefly decorative addition to the process of police self-​understanding
and legitimation (Emsley, 2013). Whether they might yet serve to assist in
a fundamental recalibration of policing, establishing ‘a police service that
listens closely to the demands of all citizens while directing scarce resources
towards meeting needs of the most vulnerable’ (Loader, 2016: 437) remains
to be seen. In any event, even in mainland Britain, where notions of ‘policing
by consent’ have had perhaps the deepest roots, these have faced substantial
challenge and criticism for over four decades (Gilroy, 1982; Elliott-​Cooper,
2021), allied with the idea that recent years have seen a decisive shift towards
a more forceful (paramilitary style) enforcement-​led policing (Fekete,
2013). If ‘domestic’ policing systems have faced mounting academic and
political criticism, especially in the wake of the Black Lives Matter protests,
imperial models of policing the empire have fared even worse. As Anderson
and Killingray (1991) have noted, while the differences can be overstated
and local practices varied considerably, the model of policing adopted for
mainland Britain was noticeably more cognisant of ‘local sensibilities’ than
that which British administrators inflicted on the rest of the world. Although,
as they remark, ‘whether the East End of London was policed with any more
consent than were the poorer areas of Bombay, Durban or Melbourne is to be
doubted’ (Anderson and Killingray, 1991: 10). For policing was experienced
in profoundly different ways according to class, race and nationality and it
was the armed, paramilitary, discriminatory and substantially unaccountable
policing that the British had imposed on Ireland which was to be the model
for the greater part of the British Empire.
That there were two versions of ‘British policing’ is now generally
accepted and a great deal of writing (including both scholarship and
memoir: Gwynn, 1934; Jeffries, 1952; Hawkins, 1991; Sinclair, 2016)
testifies to this. However, Hawkins (1991) and Anderson and Killingray
(1991) caution against too literal an adoption of these ‘models’, for, although
there is much reference to the ‘Irish’ or ‘Ulster’ models of colonial policing,
underpinned by the fact that Phoenix Park (Dublin) and, later, Newtownards
(near Belfast) were important training centres for colonial police officers,
colonial policing institutions were often much differentiated according to
local circumstances: ‘the colonial reality was much more complex … no
colonial force was quite like the Irish or Ulster Constabularies, whatever
claims were made for the influence of any model’ (Anderson and Killingray,

30
 Asymmetric Policing at a Distance?

1991: 2, 4). In due course, however, ‘a steady stream of former officers of

the Royal Irish Constabulary moved into the Indian and Colonial Police
forces … valued for their experience in the difficult circumstances of Ireland
… and for their stern discipline … RIC men “stiffened” the ranks of many
colonial police forces’ (Killingray and Anderson, 1992: 8). What Irish and
colonial officers did have in common, however, was that they were armed
and organized along military lines, were controlled centrally (rather than
accountable locally), and they lived separately, in barracks, rather than among
the communities they policed. This implied that, throughout the empire,
such policing forces primarily served the interests of the state and the local
propertied classes and ‘paid scant regard to any ideal of the need to cultivate
a community of consent’ (Killingray and Anderson, 1992: 9). As Lehning
(2018) notes, French colonial efforts to suppress opposition continued to
be seen as ‘policing rather than military operations’, although, especially as
the end of the age of empires approached, such distinctions continued to
blur and overlap. As Fanon argued in 1961:

The colonized world is a world divided in two. The dividing line,

the border, is represented by the barracks and the police stations. In
the colonies, the official, the legitimate agent, the spokesman for the
colonizer and the regime of oppression, is the police officer or soldier.
… In colonial regions … the colonized are kept under close scrutiny,
and contained by rifle butts and napalm … the government’s agent
uses a language of pure violence. (Fanon, 2001: 38)

These degrees of separation undoubtedly facilitated violent actions while also,

given the frequent resort to martial law during periods of local disturbance,
shielding the involvement of police agencies engaging in punitive acts of
brutality, oppression and genocide under the pretext of law-​and-​order
maintenance (Newsinger, 2006; Gott, 2011; Ryan, 2018). As Thomas (2012)
has noted, imperial governments relied heavily upon police institutions in all
of their major economic activities, from tax collection and land appropriation
to disciplining workers and suppressing popular dissent. Yet both national
policing traditions and local circumstances shaped the form and character of
direct policing practices even as ‘intra-​imperial borrowings’ and, not least,
the circulation of career officers, steeped in certain attitudes, experiences,
training and cultures, exerted their own influences. Scholars working in
different traditions and drawing their evidence from different empires have
drawn a range of similar conclusions about the varieties of colonial policing –​
although largely agreeing that violence formed an essential element of
all modern empires (McCulloch, 2007). For example, Muschalek details
the mundane regularity of everyday normalized violence –​the ‘quotidian
practices of colonial life’ –​which complemented the genocidal violence

31
 Southern and Postcolonial Perspectives

of conquest; ‘the slaps in the face, kicks, beatings, painful cuffing, shoving
and forceful dragging’ which formed the repertoire of authority in German
South-​West Africa at the beginning of the 20th century (Muschalek, 2019).
Violence was the oil that greased the wheels of a delegated authoritarianism.
It was, in Muschalek’s terms, echoing Arendt (1970), ‘a compensation
for a perceived or actual lack of state power’, practised by the dominant
in lieu of legitimate authority, and by the subaltern in order to maintain
precarious advantages in a racialized status hierarchy. The point resonates
throughout Blanchard et al’s (2017) volume of studies on French Algeria,
the Belgian Congo, Portuguese Mozambique and Danish Greenland. While
economic and imperial interests provided the broad outlines for the work
of these colonial ‘police states’, policing authorities also ‘policed’ in a more
conventional ‘European’ sense (Neocleous, 2000), supervising roads and
the movement of vehicles, dealing with vagrants, prostitutes and beggars,
licensing street traders and collecting fees, addressing public health risks,
ensuring the prompt payment of taxes, breaking strikes and supervising
industrial disputes and guarding important public buildings (Blanchard et al,
2017). Thomas (2012) concurs, ‘colonial governments assigned police to
help maintain order on plantations, in processing plants, factories, mines
and other European controlled workplaces’, they managed labour quotas,
passport controls, travel permits and other aspects of worker movement and
internal migration. ‘At the personal level as well as at the structural one, the
political priorities and security practices of colonial rule were … attuned to
its economic organisation’ (Thomas, 2012: 4–​5, emphasis added).
And yet, even among this catalogue of domestic policing responsibilities,
colonial police agencies remained especially ‘closely linked to labor
regulations and workforce management’, including recruiting indentured
labourers and forcing the unemployed to work, thereby often resembling the
‘slave patrol’ aspects of local policing (tracking and returning escapees and
augmenting plantation discipline) that had characterized the American South,
the Caribbean, Central and South America (Walker, 1980; Reichel, 1988;
Hadden, 2003; Durr, 2015). Not unlike the labour policing duties described
by Blanchard et al (2017), the role of the slave patrols included breaking up
slave organized meetings, keeping slaves ‘in their place’ on plantations and
searching their homes and lodges for contraband, such as potential weapons
or anything stolen from their owners. By 1837, apparently, the Charleston
Police Department had 100 officers, whose chief responsibility consisted
in patrolling slaves, free Blacks and, later, indentured labourers; regulating
their movement, checking passes, enforcing slave codes; protecting against
slave revolts and catching runaways (Barlow and Barlow, 1999). Renowned
for their cruelty and mercilessness, these White vigilante patrollers helped
to control slave populations throughout the antebellum years, although
they were never entirely disbanded, even after slavery ended. Following

32
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 Preparation: The beans are soaked, drained and boiled until
soft in 1½ qts. of water. When they are soft the water must be all
boiled down. Strain the beans through a fine sieve. This puree or
mass is stewed in the butter and the crab or lobster butter and then
the bouillon is added, also the white pepper. The cream is put into
the soup dish and the soup is poured over it.
Begin preparation of this soup about 3 hours before time to
serve.

No. 35—PEA SOUP WITH BOUILLON.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

1½ cups of peas
3 qts. of bouillon
½ tbsp. of butter
½ lb. ham or bones
1 roll

Preparation: The peas are prepared just like the beans in No.
33, then they are boiled until soft in bouillon for 3 hours. The soup is
then strained. If it is ham that is being boiled in the bouillon, cut
same into small pieces and put them into the strained peas.
Cut the roll into small cubes, fry them in butter until light yellow
and serve with the soup.

No. 36—LENTIL SOUP.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

2 cups of lentils
3 qts. of bouillon
½ tbsp. of butter
 1 tbsp. of flour
1 lb. of Wiener sausage

Preparation: The lentils are soaked in water for one hour, then
this water is poured off and the lentils brought to boil in cold water.
They must boil for 10 minutes. This water is again poured off and
the bouillon added; in this the lentils are boiled until soft which
requires 2½ to 3 hours. When the lentils are done, the butter is
heated and the flour stirred into it; this is then poured into the soup.
Ten minutes before serving put the Wieners into the soup, let come
to a boil and then merely steep. The Wieners are served with the
soup.
Remarks: Put very little salt into the soup, because the Wieners
are already seasoned.

No. 37—FRESH VEGETABLE SOUP WITH

BOUILLON.
Quantity for 6 Persons.

3 small carrots
2 small kohlrabis
¼ head of celery
¼ head of cauliflower
30 pods of shelled peas
6 asparagus stalks
2 potatoes if you like
½ tbsp. of butter
1 tbsp. of flour
3 qts. bouillon

Preparation: The butter is heated and flour put into it to stew,

then the bouillon is added; all vegetables and potatoes cut into
smalls pieces, and put into the boiling bouillon and cooked for one
hour until soft. If you cannot get all of these vegetables you may put
less of it into the soup. Instead you may put small meat dumplings
of veal or chicken into it. These dumplings are prepared as in recipe
No. 10.

No. 38—ASPARAGUS SOUP WITH

BOUILLON.
Quantity for 6 Persons.

2 lbs. of asparagus
3 qts. of bouillon
1 tbsp. of butter
2½ tbsps. of flour

Preparation: The butter is heated and the flour stewed in it,

then the bouillon is added and let come to a boil. The asparagus is
peeled, cut into small pieces, 1½ inches long, and boiled in the
bouillon for ¾ of an hour.
If the asparagus is tender it will be done after ½ hour cooking.

No. 39—CAULIFLOWER SOUP WITH

BOUILLON.
Quantity for 6 Persons.

1 head of cauliflower
3 qts. bouillon
1 tbsp. of butter
2½ tbsps. of flour

Preparation: The preparation of this soup is the same as No.

38. The cauliflower is broken into small roses and boiled in the
prepared bouillon about 20 minutes.

No. 40—SORREL SOUP WITH BOUILLON.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

¼ lb. of sorrel
½ lb. lettuce leaves
¼ lb. butter
3 tbsps. of flour
2½ qts. bouillon
5 tbsps. of cream
Some sugar
1 pinch of pepper
1 roll cut into small cubes
½ tbsp. of butter
2 yolks of eggs

Preparation: The sorrel and lettuce leaves are put into boiling
water for a minute and placed in a sieve to drain. It is then put into
¼ lb. of butter and stewed for 10 minutes. After this the mass is
pressed through a sieve and stirred with the yolks of eggs and
cream. The bouillon should be prepared and heated beforehand; the
butter should be heated and the flour stirred in, and to this the
bouillon is gradually added. The cubes of roll are fried light yellow in
the ½ tablespoonful of butter. When the puree is done it is poured
into the boiling bouillon and sugar and pepper put in to suit taste.
The fried roll cubes are served with the soup.

No. 41—CELERY SOUP WITH MILK.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

2 small bundles of fresh celery or 1½ head of celery

 2 tbsps. of butter
3 tbsps. of flour
1½–2 qts. of milk and ½ qt. cream
1–2 yolks of eggs
1 pinch of pepper
1 pinch of salt

Preparation: The celery is cut into small pieces, and boiled in

water until soft, then strained through a hair sieve. The butter is
heated with the flour in it and the milk is now added. The boiled and
strained celery is added, let come to a boil, stirring constantly. Add
enough salt and pepper to suit your taste, stir in the yolks and serve
at once. If you leave the soup standing it will get thick.

No. 42—TOMATO SOUP.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

1 qt. canned tomatoes, or 4 lbs. of fresh tomatoes

1 qt. of water
1 tbsp. of butter
½ tsp. of sliced onions
1 pinch of pepper
Salt, some sugar
2 tbsps. of flour
1 roll cut into cubes
½ tbsp. of butter
1 tsp. of chopped parsley

Preparation: The tomatoes are boiled in water for a few

minutes. If you have taken fresh tomatoes let them cook ½ hour in
1¼ qts. of water. Butter and finely cut onions are steeped so that
the onions remain light yellow, add the flour and cook a little more.
Butter, flour and onions are now put into the boiling tomatoes, and
boiled with them. Then the mass is strained, sugar, salt, pepper
added, the whole heated, the chopped parsley put in, and the soup
served. The roll cubes are fried light yellow and put into the soup or
if you wish you can serve them with the soup.

No. 43—TOMATO SOUP WITH MILK.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

1 qt. canned tomatoes or 4 lbs. fresh tomatoes

1 qt. of milk
½ tbsp. of butter
1 pinch of salt
1 pinch of sugar
1 pinch of pepper
1 tsp. of baking soda

Preparation. The can of tomatoes is heated, the fresh tomatoes

must be boiled until soft in ½ qt. of water, then pressed through a
fine sieve.
The milk and butter are brought to boil in a double boiler and
the tomatoes are put into it. Salt, pepper and sugar put in, then the
soda stirred in and the soup served at once.

No. 44—MOCK-TURTLE SOUP.

Quantity for 8 Persons.

½ calf’s head without the brains

1 calf’s tongue or 2 feet
⅛ lb. of raw ham, (scant)
1 carrot
1 piece of parsley root
½ of a celery root
 2 small onions
⅛ qt. red wine
Salt and pepper
⅛ lb. of butter
⅛ lb. of flour
1⁄16 qt. of Madeira wine
4 eggs
2½ qts. of water

Preparation: The finely cut ham, soup greens and onions are
fried and the calf’s head and tongue or chopped feet are then put in
and the quantity of water added. The feet must be scalded before
using.
The whole is cooked until tender and salt and pepper added.
Then it is strained. The skin of the calf’s head is cut into small pieces
(also the tongue and feet) a little salt is strewn over the meat and
the red wine poured over it.
Butter and flour are browned and the bouillon, from which the
fat has been removed is poured on, also the Madeira wine.
The soup is now slowly boiled for one hour. The scum and fat
must be taken off.
Now the meat with the red wine are put in.
The eggs are boiled hard and the whole yolks put into the soup.
You can also cut the yolks in halves and put one-half into each soup
dish.
It requires 3 hours to cook this soup.

No. 45—POTATO SOUP WITH BOUILLON.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

2 lbs. of raw or unboiled peeled potatoes

 2 qts. bouillon of ox bones (soup-bones) or bouillon of
rabbitroast
bones, or bouillon of poultryroast bones
1 roll cut into small cubes
½ tbsp. of butter

Preparation: The potatoes are pared, cut into small pieces and
cooked until soft in the bouillon, then pressed through a sieve. If you
wish you may leave the pieces of potatoes whole.
The roll cubes are toasted light yellow and put into the soup or
served with it.
Remarks: Potato soup of rabbitroast bones or fowl bones is
very good. If there is some meat left on these bones, cut it in small
pieces and put it into the soup.

No. 46—POTATO SOUP.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

2 lbs. of raw potatoes

2 qts. of water
1½ tbsps. of fresh butter
Salt
1 roll cut into cubes
½ tbsp. of butter
½ tsp. of meat extract

Preparation: The potatoes are pared, cut into small pieces, and
cooked until soft in the 2 qts. of water, then pressed through a sieve
and cooked again. Salt, butter, meat extract are now added.
The roll cubes are fried light yellow in the ½ tablespoonful of
butter and put into the soup before serving.
 No. 47—WHITE WINE SOUP.
Quantity for 6 Persons.

1 qt. light white wine

1 qt. water
1 stick of cinnamon
2 cloves
2 tsps. of lemon sugar or 4 slices of lemon
¼ lb. of sugar
3 tbsps. of corn starch or flour
1 pinch of salt
3 eggs

Preparation: The water with the spices is boiled for 2 minutes

before the wine is added and let come to a boil again. The yolks of
the 3 eggs are stirred with flour and a little water and then stirred
into the soup. Let it come to a boil once more, stirring constantly.
Then it is taken from the stove. The whites of the eggs are beaten
to a stiff froth and put into the soup when served.
Cloves, lemon slices, and cinnamon are taken out. Zwieback or
toasted slices of rolls are served with this soup.

No. 48—RED WINE SOUP.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

1 qt. light red wine

1 qt. of water
1 small piece of lemon peel
3 cloves
1 stick of cinnamon
¼ lb. of sugar
3 tbsps. of cornstarch or common flour
 Preparation: Boil the water, sugar and spices for 10 minutes.
The flour mixed with some water is stirred in and let come to a boil,
stirring constantly.
Heat the red wine and put it into the soup but do not boil any
longer. Serve at once. Serve zwieback or small soup macaroons with
it.

No. 49—BEER SOUP.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

1½ qts. of beer
½ qt. water
1 stick of cinnamon
2 cloves
1 pinch of salt
3 tbsps. of flour or cornstarch
3 slices of lemon or lemon sugar
3 eggs
¼ lb. sugar

Preparation: Water, beer, sugar and spices are brought to a

boil. The flour and yolks of eggs are mixed with water and stirred
into the soup and brought to a boil again. The whites of eggs are
beaten to a stiff froth and put into the soup when served.
Zwieback or toasted slices of rolls are served with the soup.

No. 50—APPLE SOUP.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

2 lbs. of apples
2 qts. of water
 ¼ lb. of sugar
1 stick of cinnamon
2 tbsps. of cornstarch
⅛ lb. of currants
Juice of ½ lemon and a small piece of rind

Preparation: The apples with their peelings on are cut into

pieces and the core removed, and then boiled in the water with the
spices until soft. The flour is mixed with a little water and put into
the apples while boiling. Then the whole is strained or pressed
through a sieve. Now the washed currants are added and a cup of
red wine or white wine and cooked again.
Remarks: All fruit soups may be prepared this way, i.e., plum,
cherry, apricots, strawberries, raspberries, currants, grapes,
gooseberries or rhubarb soups are made this way but some need
more sugar than others, or the wine is left out.
Dried fruit may also be used.

No. 51—RYE BREAD SOUP.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

2 lbs. of rye bread

2 qts. of water
Salt
1 tumbler full of white wine
Some sugar, about 1 tbsp.
1 tbsp. of fresh butter
½ cup of currants

Preparation: The rye bread which may be stale is put on with 2

qts. of cold water and boiled a little, then pressed through a hair
sieve.
 If it should be too thick, leave out some bread. It is then boiled
with the salt, sugar, currants and butter for a little while. The white
wine is poured into the soup dish and the soup added to it while
boiling hot.

No. 52—FLOUR SOUP, (WHEAT).

Quantity for 6 Persons.

⅛ lb. of butter
⅛ lb. of flour
½ qt. of water
1 pinch of salt
1½ qts. of milk

Preparation: The butter is browned, flour stirred in, milk, water

and salt added. The soup must be boiled 20 minutes, constantly
stirring it. You may stir into it the yolk of one egg.

No. 53—RYE FLOUR SOUP.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

⅛ lb. of rye flour

2 tbsps. of butter
½ qt. of water
1 qt. of milk
1 pinch of salt
2 yolks of eggs

Preparation: The rye flour is stirred into the cold water, butter
and salt added and cooked for 20 minutes while stirring constantly.
Add the milk and boil again; then stir in the yolks.
 No. 54—MILK SOUP.
Quantity for 6 Persons.

2 qts. of milk
1 small stick of cinnamon
1 tbsp. of lemon sugar
⅛ lb. of sugar
1 pinch of salt
⅛ lb. cornstarch

Preparation: 1½ qts. milk, sugar, spices and salt, let come to a

boil. The flour is mixed with ½ qt. of milk and stirred into the boiling
milk, then boiled for ¼ hour. Stir in one egg yolk, then serve.

No. 55—CHOCOLATE SOUP.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

2 qts. of milk
½ lb. of sweet chocolate or ⅛ lb. of cocoa
1 tbsp. of lemon sugar
¼ lb. of sugar
1 small stick of cinnamon
1 pinch of salt
⅛ lb. of cornstarch

Preparation: Prepare the chocolate soup just the same as the

milk soup No. 54. Grate the chocolate and stir it into the flour or
cornstarch and milk. If it gets too thick add more milk.

No. 56—FISH SOUP WITH FISH

DUMPLINGS.
 Quantity for 6 Persons.

2½ lbs. of pickerel or other fish

1½ qts. of water
½ of an onion, salt
⅛ lb. of flour
⅛ lb. of butter
1 qt. of bouillon
8 oysters
15 shrimps or crabs
⅛ qt. white wine
2 tbsps. of butter
2 yolks of eggs
12 small fish dumplings

Preparation: The fish is scaled, drawn and washed. The meat

is cut from the bones, the liver and gall removed. The bones are
chopped up and with water, onions, salt and spices slowly stewed for
a fish bouillon.
Melt ⅛ lb. butter, stir in the flour, simmer to a light yellow, pour
the fish bouillon in, let it simmer slowly for ¾ of an hour.
The crawfish or crabs are boiled in the meantime. The meat is
taken out of the shells. The oysters and the fish liver, which is cut
into pieces, are heated in the white wine, but not boiled. The meat
of the pickerel is also cut into small pieces and stewed in 2
tablespoonfuls of butter until tender.
The fish dumplings are also cooked 10 minutes in the white
wine. When done, put the dumplings into the soup tureen. All the
meat, liver, crabs and oysters are put into the soup tureen, the gravy
is strained and the yolks of 2 eggs stirred in and then poured into
the tureen. Salt to taste. It is a very fine soup.
The fish dumplings are made the same way as the meat
dumplings in No. 10, only instead of meat take fish, and take half
the quantities given in No. 10. Leave out the nutmeg.
 No. 57—CRAWFISH OR CRAB SOUP WITH
MARROW DUMPLINGS OR LIVER DUMPLINGS.
Quantity for 6–8 Persons.

24 small crabs
¼ lb. of butter
2½ qts. of bouillon
1 pinch of white pepper

Preparation: The crabs are washed carefully and thrown into

boiling salt water, but taken out again immediately. Mash the crab
meat and stew it ¼ of an hour in the ¼ lb. of butter. After this stir
in the bouillon, cover and cook slowly 1 hour.
Marrow dumplings or liver dumplings are cooked in the soup
which has been strained. The marrow dumplings are prepared as
directed in No. 7 and the liver dumplings as in No. 9. Take the same
quantities. Serve at once when the dumplings are done.

No. 58—OYSTER SOUP.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

1 qt. oysters
1 qt. milk
1 pinch of salt
1 pinch of pepper
2 tbsps. of fresh butter

Preparation: The milk is boiled and butter, salt, and pepper

added. The oysters with their juice are put into the boiling milk; stir
constantly while doing this, let come to boiling, stirring continually;
then serve at once. Serve crackers with the soup.
 No. 59—CHICKEN BOUILLON TO DRINK.
Quantity for 4 Persons.

1 chicken
1 egg
1½ qts. of water
Some salt

Preparation: The chicken is cleaned well and all fat removed.

The meat is removed from the bones and chopped fine, the bones
cracked or split, the egg is stirred in and with water and salt put into
a covered pot and cooked slowly for 3 hours. Strain through a sieve
and serve. This soup is very good for invalids and convalescents.

No. 60—PIGEON BOUILLON TO DRINK.

Quantity for 3 Persons.

2 pigeons
1 egg
1¼ qts. of water
Some salt

Preparation: The pigeons are cleaned well and washed. The

meat is removed from the bones and chopped fine, the bones split
or cracked and the egg stirred in. Put on the fire with the water and
salt and cook in a covered pot for 3 hours. Strain and serve. This
soup is also good for sick people.

No. 61—PIGEON SOUP.

Quantity for 6–8 Persons.
 2 old pigeons
2 lbs. of soup bone, or better
1 lb. of beef
Some soup greens
3 qts. of water
Scarcely ¼ lb. of fine barley
2 tbsps. of butter
2 yolks of eggs
4 asparagus stalks

Preparation: The pigeons are cleaned well and the breast and
clubs or legs cut off and left whole. The other meat is chopped, also
the beef, and all is boiled until soft in the quantity of water with salt
and soup greens. In the meantime the barley is soaked. Drain well
and stew the barley in butter for a little while, then gradually pour
on the strained bouillon.
Peel the asparagus and cut it into inch lengths and add to the
barley and bouillon. Boil for 1 hour. The meat from the breast and
legs is cut fine and put into the soup when served. If you have used
beef for the soup you may make hash or salad of it.

No. 62—CHICKEN SOUP.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

1 chicken
2½ qts. of water
Some soup greens
Salt
6 asparagus stalks, a few pieces of cauliflower
¼ cup of good rice, good measure
¼ tsp. of meat extract
 Preparation: The chicken is cleaned well, washed and cooked
until soft with soup greens, salt and water which requires 1½ hours.
If it is an old chicken it will require 2 to 3 hours. The rice is washed
and put on with some cold water to get partly done. When the water
is all boiled down add the strained bouillon.
The asparagus and cauliflower are cleaned and cut into small
pieces and cooked until soft with the rice in the bouillon. When the
soup is done the meat extract is added.
The chicken breast is cut into small pieces and put into the soup.
You can also carve the whole chicken and serve it with the soup.

No. 63—PARTRIDGE SOUP.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

2 old partridges
4 potatoes cut in cubes
2 carrots cut in pieces
3 tbsps. of flour
2 tbsps. of butter
Salt
2 qts. of water
1½ tbsps. of butter

Preparation: The partridges are cleaned well and fried in the 2

tablespoonfuls of butter to a light brown. The flour is browned in the
1½ tablespoonfuls of butter and the water added, also potatoes,
carrots and salt and the fried partridges; all of this is boiled until
tender in a covered pot. This will require 2 to 2½ hours. The
partridge breast is cut in pieces and served in the soup.
The remaining partridge meat may be utilized in hash or
dumplings.
 No. 64—WILD GAME OR POULTRY SOUP.
Quantity for 4–6 Persons.
You can make soups from all kinds of wild or tame birds. Follow
directions given for chicken, pigeon or partridge soup. If the soup is
made of bones and remnants and not rich enough you may add
meat extract.

No. 65—RED WINE SOUP WITH SAGO.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

¾ bottle of red wine

1 qt. of water
¼ lb. of sago
1 stick of cinnamon
¼ lb. of sugar
2 slices of lemon
½ cup raisins

Preparation: The sago and raisins are boiled until soft in the
water. Then the red wine is added, also cinnamon, sugar and lemon
slices, and the soup is brought to boil again. Zwieback or toasted
rolls are served with it.

No. 66—TOMATO SOUP WITH SMALL MEAT

OR POTATO DUMPLINGS.
Quantity for 6 Persons.

1 qt. can of tomatoes

1 qt of water
1½ tbsps. of butter
 2 heaping tbsps. of flour
¼ tbsp. of sliced onions
Salt to suit taste
1 pinch of pepper
1 tbsp. of sugar

Meat Dumplings.

¼ lb. beef
¼ lb. pork
1 egg
Salt and pepper to suit taste
1 tbsp. of butter

Potato Dumplings.

½ cup grated potatoes

½ egg
2 tbsps. of flour
Salt and pepper to suit taste

Preparation: Tomatoes are cooked in the water for 10 minutes.

The butter is melted and the onions put in and stewed a little, then
the flour is stirred in and the whole is put into the soup. Salt, pepper
and sugar are added and after a few minutes boiling the whole is
strained.
The meat dumplings contain beef, pork, 1 egg, butter, salt and
pepper, which is all mixed and small dumplings are formed.
The potato dumplings are made of mashed or grated boiled
potatoes which are mixed with 1 egg, flour, salt and pepper. Small
dumplings are formed and rolled in flour.
The tomato soup must be boiling when the dumplings are put in,
and boil 10 minutes. Serve the soup at once with the dumplings in it.
A teaspoonful of finely chopped parsley may be put in the soup.
 No. 67—BUTTERMILK SOUP OR SOUR MILK
SOUP.
Quantity for 6 Persons.

1½ qts. of buttermilk or sour milk

½ qt. sweet milk
¼ lb. of sago
1 small stick of cinnamon
3 slices of lemon
1 pinch of salt
1 cup of sugar

Preparation: Buttermilk and sweet milk are brought to a boil

with the sago. Cinnamon and lemon added. Cook slowly for one
hour, stirring frequently. Add salt and a little sugar. The soup may be
served hot or cold.

No. 68—OYSTER PLANT SOUP.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

2 bundles of oyster plants

2½ tbsps. of butter
2 tbsps. of flour
1 pinch of pepper
Salt to suit your taste
2 yolks of eggs
1½ qts. of milk

Preparation: The oyster plants are scraped and cut into small
pieces. Put the clean oyster plants immediately into water mixed
with vinegar and flour so that they will not get black.
When they are well cleaned they are stewed with the butter and
a little water until tender; then stir in the flour and cook a few
minutes. Then the milk is gradually added while stirring the soup
constantly. Now the soup is left to cook a little, stirring occasionally
and then salt and pepper are added.
At last the yolks of 2 eggs are stirred in.
 CHAPTER 2.
BEEF.

1. Beef Round
2. Rump
3. Sirloin
4. Loin and Porterhouse with Fillet
5–6. Rib Roast
6. Chuck of Beef
7. Neck
8. Round Shoulder
9. Beef Flank
 10. Beef Brisket
11. Head
12. Shank
13. Tail

Preparation of All Kinds of Beef Dishes. Boiled, Roasted

and Salted Beef. How Remnants of Beef May be Utilized.
The best quality of beef has a nice red color and white suet. The
meat of young cows is more pale and tender.
Old cows have dark, brownish red meat and yellow suet.
Young beef makes a good roast, but a poor bouillon.
Old beef makes a tough roast, but a good bouillon.
The best Pieces for Roasting.
The fillet, roast beef, and the inner part of the forerib.
The best Pieces for braising or Pot Roast.
The rump, the sirloin, the fillet, roast beef, (well hung), also the
chuck and round shoulder, (well hung).
The best Pieces for Bouillon.
The meat from the round, the rump, the chuck, in fact all lean
meat and bones.
Meat for Salting and Pickling.
The meat from the round, also from the brisket, but without
bones.
Best Pieces for Boiling.
The rump, the brisket and chuck.

No. 1—ROAST BEEF.

Quantity for 6–8 Persons.
 6 lbs. of roast beef
2–3 tbsps. of butter
½ of an onion, to suit taste
½ cup of water
1 cup of water for gravy
¾ tbsp. of flour
Salt, pepper

Preparation: The roast beef is salted and peppered, put into a

roasting pan with the quantity of water given and roasted in the
oven. After ½ hour’s roasting add 2 to 3 tablespoonfuls of butter
and let it roast for another hour, basting frequently. In 1½ hours the
roast beef is rare inside and in 2 hours it is well done.
If the roast is small, it will require 15 minutes less per pound,
and if larger 15 minutes longer for roasting. When the roast is done,
put it on a platter and make the gravy.
Take ¾ tablespoonful of flour, put it into the pan, stir it well and
let it boil 3 minutes, then pour in the 1 cup of water, boil a few
minutes, strain and serve.
Remarks: Be careful that the butter does not turn too dark
during the roasting. Should this be the case add a little water, so
that the gravy may not taste bitter.

No. 2—MEAT PUDDING.

How to Utilize Roast Beef.
Roast Beef With Rice Covering.
Quantity for 4–6 Persons.

1¼ lbs. left over roast beef

½ cup of rice
2 tbsps. of grated Swiss or Parmesan cheese
 ½ tbsp. of flour
¼ tsp. chopped onions
2 tbsps. of butter
2 tbsps. of grated rolls
½ cup of left over gravy
½ qt. of bouillon or water
2 yolks of eggs

Preparation: The roast meat is chopped, but not too fine, and
stewed in a pan with the butter and onions. The gravy is mixed with
flour, salt and pepper and poured on the meat which is left to cook a
few minutes until the gravy gets thick.
The rice is cooked until soft and thick in the water or bouillon,
the grated cheese is put in and at last the yolks of 2 eggs. Taste the
rice for salt. Butter a pudding mold and strew in some grated rolls,
now put in one layer of rice and one layer of meat and so on until all
the meat and rice are in. Close the mold well and set in a steamer
over a kettle of boiling water and steam for 2 hours.
After the pudding is done, turn it out and pour over it a Dutch
gravy or serve the gravy separately with it.

No. 3—BEEF FILLET ROAST.

Quantity for 6–8 Persons.

4–6 lbs. of fillet

¼ lb. of butter
Salt and pepper
½ cup sweet or sour cream
½ cup of water
For larding take ⅛ lb. of bacon
½ tbsp. of flour
 Preparation: The fillet roast is freed from fat and skin. The
bacon is cut in narrow strips and the fillet larded with it.
The butter is put into the frying pan and heated and then the
fillet browned in it on both sides and sprinkled with salt and pepper.
It is roasted in the oven for ¾ of an hour, basting frequently with
the gravy or water; the cream is put on 1 spoonful at a time. The
roast must be of a nice pink color. It is placed on a platter.
The gravy: The given quantity of flour is put into the pan and
browned, the water poured over and cooked for a few minutes; then
strain and serve.
You can also put champignons into the gravy, which makes it
richer.

No. 4—BEEF FILLET BEEFSTEAK.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

2½ lbs. of fillet
¼ lb. of butter
Salt and pepper
¼ cup of water

Preparation: Cut the 2½ lbs. of fillet into 6 pieces, trim off the
fat and skin and pound slightly. They are then formed into round
beefsteaks and sprinkled with salt and pepper.
The butter is put into a frying pan and heated and the steaks
quickly browned on both sides, which requires about 5 minutes. Fry
for 5 minutes more, basting and turning occasionally. The steaks are
then taken out and put on a platter. The water poured into the
butter and boiled a little while; this gravy is put over the steak.
Beefsteak is fried in an open frying pan on the top of the stove.
 No. 5—BEEF FILLET STEAKS WITH
CHAMPIGNONS AND FRIED GOOSE LIVER.
Quantity for 6 Persons.

2½ lbs. of fillet
¼ lb. of butter
Salt and pepper
¼ cup of water
½ lb. goose liver
½ lb. champignons
½ tbsp. of butter
¼ tsp. of flour
2 tbsps. of sweet cream
⅛ tsp. of meat extract
⅛ lb. of butter with it

Preparation: The fillet is prepared just the same as in No. 4,

and also fried the same way. The goose liver is salted and peppered
and sprinkled with flour, then fried light yellow in ⅛ lb. of butter;
add 1 tablespoonful of water, cover the pan and stew ¼ hour longer.
The water having been drained off the champignons, add ½
tablespoonful of butter, ¼ teaspoonful of flour and a little salt and
then cook a little. The cream and meat extract are added and
simmered a while longer.
The ready fried beefsteaks are put on a hot platter. The goose
liver is cut into as many pieces as there are steaks, and one piece
put in the center of each steak. The prepared champignons are
placed around each piece of goose liver on top of each steak.
The gravy is put on the platter too. You can garnish the platter
with scallops of puff paste. This dish is nice between courses.

No. 6—BROILED STEAK OF ROAST BEEF.

 Quantity for 6 Persons.

3 lbs. of roast beef

Salt, pepper
¼ lb. of butter (scant)

Preparation: The roast beef is cut into 1½ inch thick slices and
pounded well. A broiler is put on the open medium hot fire and the
slices laid on to broil for 20 minutes, turning frequently. Put them on
a hot platter, sprinkle with pepper and salt, cut the butter into small
pieces and place them on the hot meat. Serve at once.

No. 7—STEAK FROM THE BEEF ROUND.

Quantity for 6 Persons.

3–4 lbs. round steak

¼ lb. of butter
Salt, pepper
¼ cup of water
1 onion

Preparation: The meat is cut into slices ¾ inch thick and

pounded slightly.
The butter is heated; the onion is sliced and fried till light yellow
in the butter, then taken out and the meat put into this hot onion
butter after it has been salted and peppered. Fry for 5 to 8 minutes
to a light brown, turning it once or twice.
The meat is put on a hot platter and the onions on top. A little
water is put into the pan with butter and boiled a little. This gravy is
poured over the meat. Serve at once.
Remarks: If you do not like onions, omit them.