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History of the Arabic Written Tradition
Volume 1
Handbook of Oriental Studies
Handbuch der Orientalistik
section one
The Near and Middle East
Edited by
VOLUME 117/1
By
Carl Brockelmann
Translated by
Joep Lameer
with a Preface by
LEIDEN | BOSTON
Originally published as Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur in 1898 and 1902.
Subsequent editions by Brill between 1937 and 1943, and in 1996.
Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface.
issn 0169-9423
isbn 978-90-04-32330-8 (hardback)
isbn 978-90-04-32626-2 (e-book)
Brockelmann’s GAL
In 1898 and 1902, the publishing house of E. Felber produced two volumes enti-
tled Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur (GAL). The author Carl Brockelmann
(1868–1956) was a young German university teacher from Breslau (now
Wroczlaw in Poland). His objective was to outline the external history of
Arabic literature, excluding all internal developments. He had estimated
then that it would take at least a further century of hard philological work
before even the most important landmarks of Arabic literature would be known
and accessible (I, p. iii). It is a sobering thought that a century has indeed
passed without Brockelmann’s expectations being realized. Brockelmann
restricted his Geschichte to the surviving works of authors. Had he added the
titles of those works that are only known from references and quotations, the
size of his GAL would easily have doubled.
The basic idea of GAL was to provide a framework which divided Arabic lit-
erature into periods and subjects and then to add to this structure using infor-
mation extracted from manuscript catalogues and bibliographies concerning
extant texts, and subsequently to add supplementary information on the
authors from the biographical dictionaries.
The first volume of GAL treated the classical period up to 1258 (the fall of
Baghdad to the Mongol armies), while the second volume contained an
account of Arabic literature produced in what Brockelmann styled as the age
of decline. This age Brockelmann divided into three periods, firstly up to the
Ottoman conquest of Egypt (1517), then up to the Napoleonic conquest (1798)
and, finally, up to the present day (then 1902). Within each section there is usu-
ally a geographical division first, which is then subdivided according to sub-
ject. This division was used for the second edition, published forty years later,
as well.
In using the term ‘Litteratur’ Brockelmann understood literature in the
broadest sense, that is, all verbal utterances of the human mind, and refused
to limit the scope of this subject to just ‘belles lettres’ His main justification
was that Arabic has been the vehicle of thought over a long period of time and
has covered an enormous territory, all of which he wished to include in his
GAL. The German language has another word for literature in that broad sense,
vi Brockelmann ’ s Geschichte Revisited once more
direct contact with exotic peoples. But they proved to be daydreams, nor were
his grammars ever published, of course, and Brockelmann was later grateful
that he never pursued these options.
Brockelmann’s university career, first as student and later as a profes-
sor, was unimpressive. It was rather his wide scholarly interests, his incred-
ible memory and the enormous energy with which he pursued his goals, that
have made him an outstanding figure even today. In 1886 he enrolled as a stu-
dent of Oriental studies and classical philology and history at the University
of Rostock. In spring 1887 he moved to the University of Breslau, and a year
later he moved again, this time to Strasbourg in order to complete his stud-
ies with the most famous German Orientalist of his time, Theodor Nöldeke
(1836–1930). In the course of these scholarly wanderings, young Brockelmann
vigorously studied classical philology (Latin and Greek), Akkadian, Arabic,
Ethiopian, Hebrew, Turkish, Persian, Sanskrit, Armenian, Egyptian and Indo-
Germanic studies—and the list is probably far from complete. He engaged in
classical philology as a sort of life insurance, should he be unable to find a job
in Oriental studies. But apart from a short period (1890–1892) as an assistant-
teacher in the Protestant Gymnasium in Strasbourg, Brockelmann was always
employed in academic positions. In 1890 he had defended his inaugural doc-
toral thesis in Strasbourg on the relationship between Ibn al-Athīr’s Kāmil and
al-Tabarī’s Taʾrīkh. In the German university system it was, and is, normal to
write two doctoral theses, the inaugural thesis, completing a course of study,
and the habilitation thesis, which opens the road to a professorship. In 1892 he
returned to Breslau as a private university teacher. This was basically an unpaid
position, but Brockelmann’s participation in projects such as E. Sachau’s edi-
tion of Ibn Saʿd’s Tabaqāt, and other activities, mainly teaching, earned him
a living. In 1893 he defended his habilitation thesis which contained a study
on Ibn al-Jawzi’s Talqīh fuhūm ahl al-Āthār fī Mukhtasar al-siyar wa-al-akhbār.
In 1895–1896 he made a journey to Istanbul, stopping in London and Paris.
In 1900 he was appointed to the Institute of Oriental Languages in Berlin, but
not for long. From 1900-1903 he occupied the extra-ordinariate chair in Breslau,
and in 1903 he was appointed as ordinarius in Königsberg, now Kaliningrad
in Russia, where he stayed until 1910. Next, he was appointed in Halle an der
Saale where he stayed until 1922. It was there, as rector of the university, that
he experienced the chaotic aftermath of the Great War and saw the German
empire disintegrate and change into an unstable republic with the seeds of
disaster already visible. It was also the pinnacle of his scholarly activities. In
at least four specialized fields, Syriac studies, Arabic studies, Semitic linguis-
tics and Turkish studies, his name had become famous throughout the world.
But as author of GAL he was to earn eternal fame. From 1922–1923 he took
viii Brockelmann ’ s Geschichte Revisited once more
some fourteen centuries in an area ranging from China to deepest Africa and
from Morocco to the Philippines, let alone to fully establish the links between
those works. The vast scope of Islamic manuscript literature was only recently
bibliographically defined for the first time ever. The World Survey of Islamic
Manuscripts (Leiden 1992–1994) has provided us with an insight into the
enormous potential of Islamic literatures, of which Arabic is the major com-
ponent. The development of our learning is also clearly visible. By the middle
of the seventeenth century the Turkish bibliographer Hājjī Khalīfa (d. 1657)
gave an account of his knowledge of Arabic literature. His Kashf al-Zunūn con-
tains some 15,000 titles by about 9,500 authors. This is approximately the same
proportion that one encounters in Brockelmann’s GAL: the index in the third
supplementary volume, which was published in 1942, contains some 25,000
titles and 18,000 authors. If the data contained in the bibliographical sources
mentioned in World Survey were to be added to GAL, there would be an increase
of many times the original number of titles and authors and there would be
many additions of manuscripts to the references already known. Unique man-
uscripts would prove to be not so unique after all, and texts which fifty years
ago were thought to be preserved in relatively few manuscripts would prove
to exist in abundance. But the most considerable result of reviewing the data
of World Survey would be our increased knowledge of Arabic literature as pro-
duced on the periphery of the Arab world and, even more important, that from
Islamic countries outside the Arab world.
In the third supplementary volume to GAL, Brockelmann made a quite suc-
cessful attempt to describe the modern literatures of the Arab world. An up-
date of this covering the past fifty years would result in a reference work of
unheard of dimensions. In fact, such an endeavor has not been attempted for
any of the larger literatures of the modern age.
When Brockelmann compiled the final version of GAL, the manuscript trea-
sures of peripheral areas such as Mauritania, Morocco and the Yemen, had
barely been explored. The extent of Arabic literature in Sub-Saharan Africa,
East Turkestan, the rest of China, South-East Asia’s mainland and Indonesia
is, even today, almost a closed book. The Indian subcontinent has had its own
contribution to Arabic literature, but that branch of Arabic literature too is
relatively little known. An additional complication is that the Arabic literature
of these areas can only be put into true perspective if their complementary
indigenous literary tradition is taken into account as well. For the bibliogra-
pher this poses additional, linguistic, problems.
Arabic traditional literature is probably the largest body of literature in
the world. Incorporating all new bio-bibliographical information in one large
database would be of prime importance. It has been tried, but so far it has
x Brockelmann ’ s Geschichte Revisited once more
failed. It could never be the work of one man, but at best a dedicated institu-
tion with large and long-term funds might be able to perform that task.
Brockelmann’s GAL, now more than half a century old, still stands out as the
only successful comprehensive attempt at bibliographical control of the vast
body of Arabic literature. Arabic bibliography must move forward, and this
is happening, as can be witnessed by the numerous bibliographical surveys
on specific subjects and areas and by the veritable boom of manuscript cata-
logues. GAL is still a safe point of departure for most of the bibliographical work
that lies ahead.
One recent instance of creative use of GAL should be mentioned here. Some
1690 titles taken from the title-index of the third supplementary volume of
GAL were the source material for A.A. Ambros for an enlightening analysis of
the composition and function of rhyming titles in classical Arabic literature. It
shows that GAL, apart from its obvious use as a bibliographical reference work,
has more in store than probably even the author himself was aware of.
In many libraries all over the world copies of GAL are in use that contain
numerous handwritten additions of generations of learned librarians and
other users. Brockelmann’s own interleaved copy, which he constantly updated
until shortly before his death, lies in the library of the DMG in Halle. This is
certainly not the only copy with extensive glosses; there must be at least a hun-
dred copies of similar importance. It would be interesting to make a survey of
those copies including the remarks and corrections of learned librarians, and
to make an attempt to incorporate that cumulated bibliographical knowledge
into a modern database.
Carl Brockelmann had always wanted to publish an updated reprint of the first
edition of GAL. Alongside his numerous other activities he had recorded addi-
tions and corrections in his interleaved copy of the edition of 1898–1902. That
first edition was published by E. Felber, a small publisher in Weimar and later in
Berlin. He had agreed to publish Brockelmann’s edition of Ibn Qutayba’s ʿUyūn
al-Akhbār on the condition that he would have the right to publish another
work by Brockelmann which would yield him more profit than Ibn Qutayba.
Brockelmann agreed and offered him his GAL, a project about which he had
already been thinking for quite a while. This decision would have far-reaching
consequences for generations of students of Arabic literature. Felber proved to
be a crook and Brockelmann was not his first and only victim. When the type-
Brockelmann ’ s Geschichte Revisited once more xi
setting and printing of half of the first volume of Ibn Qutayba’s text had been
completed, the work was stopped and Felber disappeared. Sometime later he
re-emerged and fulfilled his engagements albeit in a reduced form, restricting
the publication to four volumes, whereas Brockelmann had had ten volumes
in mind. Brockelmann was forced to pay if he wanted the work to proceed,
a classic trick. To appease Brockelmann’s anger for a while Felber gave him
a typewriter, his first. Brockelmann grudgingly accepted it. GAL, which in the
contract with Felber was Brockelmann’s subsidy to finance the Ibn Qutayba
edition, was printed more or less simultaneously with the Ibn Qutayba edi-
tion, but instead of the one thousand copies which he was allowed to produce,
Felber had three thousand copies printed, thereby cashing in for himself on a
possible second and third edition. Three thousand copies is quite exceptional
for any Orientalist publication where print runs usually do not exceed a few
hundred copies. But there was more mishap to come. During several invol-
untary peregrinations, Felber (who was always on the run from his creditors
and authors) had lost part of his stock, the printed sheets of about half of the
second volume of GAL. Complete copies of GAL became a rare item and it took
a long time before Felber made a photographic reprint of those lost sheets.
GAL thereby became a work that, for many years, one could only procure
through the antiquarian book trade, if at all. Later on, it was also Felber who
hindered the publication of a new edition, since he had so much old stock
left. Recourse to juridical action by Brockelmann was to no avail. The German
copyright law apparently could not be applied. The book was considered a
commodity that, once sold, transferred ownership. The author, who in such
a situation was considered to be the former owner, could never again exercise a
right to his work. The only way to regain the rights on the book was if someone
was to buy the entire remaining stock. During Felber’s lifetime this proved to
be impossible, and also after Felber’s death the successors to his estate asked
such an extravagant price for the remaining copies of GAL that this possibility
proved to be impractical.
Brockelmann then found the director of Brill’s of Leiden, Mr. Th. Folkers,
ready to publish the additional data in three supplementary volumes, which
appeared between 1937–1942. In order to maintain the connection between
the original two volumes and the three supplements, the page-numbers of the
original edition were constantly referred to. At the end of each supplementary
volume, additions and corrections to the original edition were included. The
indexes in the third supplement had references to both the original two vol-
umes of 1898–1902 and the three newly published supplements.
xii Brockelmann ’ s Geschichte Revisited once more
It was only after the publication of the third supplementary volume that it
became possible for Brill to acquire the rights to the original work. Then noth-
ing stood in the way of an updated second edition of the two original volumes.
With ample reference to the supplementary volumes these were published in
1943–1949.
The pagination of the first edition of GAL had been the source of reference
for the supplementary volumes and they had been included in the indexes of
the supplements. Now, in the new edition of the two original volumes, it was to
be that same, old, pagination that would be used. This is why the new edition
of the two original volumes has the page-numbers of the first edition retained
in the margins. And it is to those marginal page numbers that the indexes
of the entire new set refer. It is all perfectly logical if one takes the printing
history of the book into account, but for the newly initiated bibliographer
it is a source of bewilderment and confusion. The use of the marginal page-
numbers is, therefore, not just an innocent peculiarity in which Carl
Brockelmann indulged, but a complication imposed upon each and every user
of the book, now and in the future. With the English edition, which also retains
references to the old page numbers, this problem does not exist anymore.
Whereas Brockelmann dared to undertake the compilation of his GAL
single-handedly a hundred years ago, it is out of the question that anyone
would do this now, not even Brockelmann himself. This is proven by the very
fact that no one has indeed dared to make even an updated version. Attempts
of a more limited nature have been made, of course. The most notable of these
is Fuat Sezgin’s Geschichte des Arabischen Schrifttums (GAS), which is still in
progress (nine volumes published between 1967–1984, plus an index volume
published in 1995). But although Sezgin treats all subjects and sciences, he has
limited his work for the time being to the early history of Arabic literature, up
to approximately the year 430 of the hegira, that is, mainly texts from the first
millennium (plus later commentaries on these). If the literature of the second
millennium were to be treated in the same way, the size of such a survey would
amount to a great number of volumes.
Another attempt to further bibliographic control which deserves to be
mentioned is the serial publication Arabic Literature of Africa, edited by J.O.
Hunwick and R.S. O’Fahey. The first volume came out in 1994, and in the mean-
time volume 5, by Charles C. Steward, was published in 2015. The entire series
is projected in six volumes. Here the regional element is the selective factor,
and although Islam in Africa has a long history, the bulk of its literature dates
from a relatively recent time. Even this limited approach required a team of
authors, rather than relying on a soloist like Brockelmann.
Brockelmann ’ s Geschichte Revisited once more xiii
(e.g. Abu ’l-ʿAbbās, Muḥyi ’l-Dīn, Dhakhīrat man jarradahu ’l-ḥubb ʿani ’l-khawf),
but when connected to the conjunction ‘wa’ and the prepositions ‘li’ and ‘bi’
the article is rendered as ‘l’ and joined directly to ‘wa’, ‘bi’, or ‘li’ preceding it
(e.g. Kitāb al-ashbāh wal-naẓāʾir, al-Wāfī bil-wafayāt, and al-Shāfiya lil-amrāḍ
al-fāshiya).
Against modern usage, Brockelmann’s ‘al-Ghazzālī’ has been retained
throughout. In GAL I, 535, note 1, and especially in GAL Supplement I, 744,
note 1, the author explains this reading at length and, at the same time, he also
rejects the other, now common, reading of ‘al-Ghazālī’ with a series of concrete
arguments.
GAL often uses Arabic terms where English equivalents could have been
used instead, such as ‘qāḍī ’ instead of ‘judge’ or ‘wazīr’ instead of ‘vizier’ or
‘minister’; Arabic terms like these have been retained while the term ‘Tradition’
was often translated with the contextually less ambiguous ‘ḥadīth’.
Page numbers in blue in the margins of volumes 1 and 2 refer to GAL’s first
edition. In GAL’s second edition, the placement of these numbers is often
approximate, but sufficient to find one’s way; in this translation, this situation
has not changed. Page numbers in red in the margins of volumes 1 through
5 refer to GAL’s second, enlarged and supplemented edition.
Finally, the present work being a translation, no effort has been made to
re-edit or revise any part of the text.
Joep Lameer
Rozendaal, May 2016
Translator ’ s Note xvii
Introduction 1
I The Task of Literary History 1
II Sources and Early Accounts of the Literary History of the Arabs 3
III Division of the History of Arabic Literature 7
First Book
The National Literature of the Arabs
Chapter 5. Al-Farazdaq 46
Chapter 6. Jarīr 49
Chapter 7. Dhu ’l-Rumma 51
Chapter 8. The Rajaz Poets 52
Chapter 9. Minor Poets 53
Chapter 10. Prose Writing at the Time of the Umayyads 58
Second Book
Islamic Literature in the Arabic Language
First Section. The Classical Period from ca. 750 until ca. 1000 63
Chapter 1. Introduction 63
Chapter 2. Poetry 64
A The Poets of Baghdad 64
B Poets of Iraq and the Jazīra 73
C Poets from Arabia and Syria 73
D The Circle of Sayf al-Dawla 76
E Egyptian and North African Poets 79
Chapter 3. Rhymed Prose 81
Chapter 4. Philology 85
I The School of Basra 85
II The School of Kufa 102
III The School of Baghdad 108
IV Linguistics in Persia and the East 115
V Linguistics in Egypt and Spain 120
Chapter 4. Historiography 122
1 The Life of Muḥammad 122
2 Urban History 124
3 The History of the Pre-Islamic Arabs 125
4 Imperial and World History 126
5 Cultural and Literary History 131
6 The History of Egypt and North Africa 132
7 The History of Spain 134
Chapter 5. Belles Lettres in Prose 136
Chapter 6. Ḥadīth 141
Chapter 7. Fiqh 153
1 The Ḥanafīs 153
2 The Mālikīs 160
3 The Shāfiʿīs 163
Contents xxi
| In its widest sense, one may call “literature” everything that has been written, 1
or spoken and then written down, for the purpose of having it remembered. For
this reason, A. Boeckh suggested including inscriptions as part of a people’s lit-
erature. In cases where the history of a dead language is written using a limited
number of monuments one can also employ charters, letters, and the like. But
when a language has such a rich abundance of examples as does Arabic, then
one will, from among these, only regard those that address themselves from
the outset to a larger audience, with the aim of affecting its mood or enriching
its knowledge, as literature. Among the “civilised” nations these manifestations
have accumulated to such a degree that the literary historian is compelled to
limit himself purely to poetry. However, Arabic poetry did not have the same
significance for the development of human culture and knowledge as a whole
compared to the achievements of scholars writing in Arabic for the develop-
ment of the sciences. This is because the Arabic language was not limited to a
single nation, but was the bearer of all culture and education in the vast area
where Islam penetrated as a religion, from the banks of the Pontus to Zanzibar,
from Fez and Timbuktu to Kashgar and the Sunda islands, ceding this role only
belatedly to various national languages, and then only in part. | This is why the 2
historian of Arabic literature must draw all these manifestations into his orbit;
it is only for the outputs of the modern era, in which the world of Islam has
become | more and more aligned with European culture, that one can limit 2
oneself to poetry alone.
Given that Arabic literature will only be considered here insofar as it is a
manifestation of Islamic culture, all works by Christians and Jews that were
only directed at their co-religionists will be excluded. Furthermore, the amount
of material, which is in any case enormous, forces us to focus mainly on those
works that do survive, and, from the vast multitude of works that are no lon-
ger extant but known to us through later citations, to only draw attention to
those that had an important impact and influence on the later development
of literature.
The study of literature in the elevated sense of the word1 is a means by
which modern scholars try to understand both the literary heritage of a people
1 B. Ten Brink, Über die Aufgabe der Litteraturgeschichte (rectorial address), Strasburg 1891. E.
Elster, Die Aufgaben der Litteraturgeschichte (academic acceptance speech), Halle 1894, the
in terms of it being part of its culture as a whole, and how the circumstances of
its composition and personalities of authors are reflected in individual works.
This is why, at present, it is only possible to deal with individual areas of Arabic
literature, employing the same methodology that was used by Goldziher in
3 the field of ḥadīth. | Anyone hoping to give an account of the field as a whole
will have to limit themselves, at least for the time being, to the outward phe-
nomena of any literature as reflected in the lives and times of its authors and
their works, thereby preparing the ground for future study of its origins and
development.
works mentioned in Supp. I, 3, n. 1 and 934, and Horst Oppel, Die Literaturwissenschaft in der
Gegenwart, Methodologie und Wissenschaftslehre, Stuttgart 1939.
Introduction 3
| 1. Biographical works 3
Ibn Khall. = Ibn Khallikān (p. 326), Wafayāt al-aʿyān, Būlāq 12991; Vitae illus-
trium virorum, ed. F. Wüstenfeld, Göttingen 1835–40; Ibn Khallikan’s biographi-
cal dictionary translated from the Arabic, by MacGuckin de Slane, 4 vols.,
Paris-London 1843–71.
Fawāt = Muḥammad b. Shākir al-Kutubī (II, 48), Fawāt al-wafayāt, 2 vols.,
Būlāq 1299.
2. Bibliographical works
Fihr. = Kitāb al-Fihrist, hsgb. von G. Flügel, nach dessen Tode besorgt von
J. Rödiger und A. Müller, 2 vols., Leipzig 1871/2.
ḤKh = Lexicon bibliographicum et encyclopaedicum a Mustapha ben Abdallah
Katib Jelebi dicto et nomine Haji Khalfa celebrato compositum, ed. latine vertit et
commentario indicibusque instruxit G. Flügel, 7 vols, Leipzig-London 1835–58;
Keşf el-Zunun, Birinci Cilt, Katib Çelebi elde mevcut yazma ve basma nüshalari
ve zeyilleri gözden geçirilerek, müellifin elyazisiyle olan nüshaya göre fazlalari
çikarilmak, eksikleri tamamlanmak suretiyle Maarif Vekilliğin karari üzerine
Istanbul Universitesinde Ord. Prof. Şerefettin Yaltkaya ile Lektör Kilisli Rifat Bilge
tarafindan hazirlanmiştir, Maarif Matbaasi 1941.
Ellis, A.G., Catalogue of Arabic books in the British Museum, London I 1894, II
1901, III (indices by A.S. Fulton) 1938.
1 Since this edition is by preference cited according to the numbering of the vitae, the fol-
lowing short concordance with Wüstenfeld may be helpful: W 1–75 = K 1–75. Missing in K:
W 76, 78, 133, 147, 149, 150, 154, 186–199, 201, 202 (= Fawāt I, 145), 213, 214 (= Fawāt I, 149),
217, 277, 278 (= Fawāt I, 171), 288, 291, 292, 293, 294, 303, 317, 318, 337–347, 364, 380, 381, 528;
mostly just captions, but here and there they also have the date of death. On the other hand,
297 K is missing in W; 357 was misnumbered in W; 405 W as an appendix to 404 = 367 K is
not counted separately. In the following vitae K is more elaborate than W: 220 K = 233 W;
223 K = 236 W; 230 K = 243 W; 233 K = 246 W; 248 K = 261 W; on the other hand, only 242
W is more elaborate than 229 K. As a result of a transposition, 181 K = 186 W. Because the
order hāʾ-wāw of K is reversed in W, the correspondence is now W 778–90 = K 745–57 and
W 791–96 = K 739–44.
4 Introduction
2 In the listings at the end of each entry the reference is: Ahlw. no. New acquisitions that have
not yet been catalogued are cited according to the number of the manuscript.
Introduction 5
Cambr.: Palmer, E., Descriptive Catalogue of the Arabic, Persian and Turkish
Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge 1870.
Copenhagen: Codices arabici Bibliothecae Regiae Hafniensis, enumer. et descr.
a F. Mehren, Copenhagen 1851.
Daḥdāḥ M―y Bīṭār: Daḥdāḥ Rocheid, Catalogue dʼune collection de mss. ar.
précieux et de livres rares, Paris 1912, now in Berlin, cited here as Berl. Brill M.
Dresd.: Fleischer, H.L., Catalogus codd. mss. or. Bibl. Reg. Dresdensis, Leipzig
1831.
Escur.:1 Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana Escurialensis opera, M. Casiri, 2 vols.,
Madrid 1760–70.
Escur.:2 Derenbourg, H., Les manuscrits arabes de l’Escurial, I, Paris 1884; II,
fs. I. Morale et Politique, Paris 1903.
Gotha: Pertsch, W., Die arabischen Hdss. der Herzoglichen Bibliothek zu
Gotha, vols. I–V, Gotha 1877–92.
Ind. Off.: Loth, O., Catalogue of the Ar. Mss. in the Library of the India Office,
London 1877.
Jong: P. de Jong, Catalogus codd. or. bibl. acad. scient., Leiden 1862.
| Köpr.: Köprülüzāde Meḥmed Pāšā Kütübḫānesinde maḥfūẓ kütübi 5
mevǧūdenin defteri, Istanbul n.d.
Krafft H.: Die arab. pers. und türk. Hdss. der k.k. Orientalischen Akademie zu
Wien, Vienna 1842.
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tumblerful of home-brewed ale or a glass or two of wine daily; but, as
I before remarked, in the generality of cases, either toast and water,
or barley-water and milk, for the first week after a confinement, is
the best beverage.
607. After a week, either a tumblerful of mild home-brewed ale or
of London or Dublin porter, where it agrees, should be taken at
dinner; but if ale or porter be given, wine ought not to be allowed. It
would be well to keep either to ale or to porter, as may best agree
with the patient, and not to mix them, nor to take porter at one meal
and ale at another.
608. Barreled, in this case, is superior to bottled porter, as it
contains less fixed air. On the whole, however, I should prefer home-
brewed ale to porter. Either old, or very new, or very strong ale,
ought not, at this time, to be given.
609. Great care is required in the summer, as the warm weather is
apt to turn the beer acid. Such beer would not only disagree with the
mother, but would disorder the milk, and thus the infant. A nursing
mother sometimes endeavors to correct sour porter or beer by
putting soda in it. This plan is objectionable, as the constant taking
of soda is weakening to the stomach and impoverishing to the blood.
Moreover, it is impossible, by any artificial expedient, to make either
tart beer or porter sound and wholesome, and fit for a nursing
mother. If beer or porter be sour, it is not fit to drink, and ought
either to be thrown away or should be given to the pigs.
610. Sometimes neither wine nor malt liquor agrees; then, either
new milk and water, or equal parts of fresh milk and barley-water,
will generally be found the best beverage. If milk should also
disagree, either barley-water, or toast and water, ought to be
substituted.
CHANGE OF ROOM.
611. The period at which a lying-in woman should leave her room
will, of course, depend upon the season, and upon the state of her
health. She may, after the first fourteen days, usually change the
chamber for the drawing-room, provided it be close at hand; if it be
not, she ought, during the day, to remove—be either wheeled or
carried in a chair—from one bedroom to another, as change of
apartment will then be desirable. The windows, during her absence
from the room, ought to be thrown wide open; and the bedclothes, in
order that they may be well ventilated, should be thrown back. She
should, at the end of three weeks, take her meals with the family; but
even then she ought occasionally, during the day, to lie on the sofa to
rest her back.
613. A mother ought not, unless she intend to devote herself to her
baby, to undertake to suckle him. She must make up her mind to
forego the so-called pleasures of fashionable life. There ought, in a
case of this kind, to be no half-and-half measures; she should either
give up her helpless babe to the tender mercies of a wet-nurse, or she
must devote her whole time and energy to his welfare—to the
greatest treasure that God hath given her.
614. If a mother be blessed with health and strength, it is most
unnatural and very cruel for her not to suckle her child—
“Connubial fair! whom no fond transport warms
To lull your infant in maternal arms;
Who, blessed in vain with tumid bosoms, hear
His tender wailings with unfeeling ear;
The soothing kiss and milky rill deny
To the sweet pouting lip and glistening eye!
Ah! what avails the cradle’s damask roof,
The eider bolster, and embroidered woof!
Oft hears the gilded couch unpitied plains,
And many a tear the tasseled cushion stains!
No voice so sweet attunes his cares to rest,
So soft no pillow as his mother’s breast!—
Thus charmed to sweet repose, when twilight hours
Shed their soft influence on celestial bowers,
The cherub Innocence, with smile divine,
Shuts his white wings, and sleeps on beauty’s shrine.”[111]
615. Oh, if a mother did but know the joy that suckling her infant
imparts, she would never for one moment contemplate having a wet-
nurse to rob her of that joy—
“The starting beverage meets the thirsty lip;
’Tis joy to yield it, and ’tis joy to sip.”[112]
THE BREAST.
617. As soon as the patient has recovered from the fatigue of the
labor—that is to say, in about four or six hours—attention ought to be
paid, more especially in a first confinement, to the bosoms.
618. In a first confinement, there is, until the third day, but very
little milk; although there is usually on that day, and for two or three
days afterward, a great deal of swelling, of hardness, of distention,
and of uneasiness of the breasts, in consequence of which, in a first
confinement, both care and attention are needed.
619. If there be milk in the breast, which may be readily
ascertained by squeezing the nipple between the finger and the
thumb, the infant should, at first, be applied—not frequently, as
some do, but at considerable intervals, say until the milk be properly
secreted—every four hours; when the milk flows, the child ought to
be applied more frequently, but still at stated times.
620. To wash away any viscid mucus from the nipple, or any stale
perspiration from the bosom, let the breasts and the nipples, before
applying the baby, be first sponged with a little warm water, and then
be dried with a warm, dry, soft napkin; for some infants are so
particular that unless the breasts and the nipples be perfectly free
from mucus and from perspiration, they will not suck. If after the
above cleansing process there be any difficulty in making him take
the bosom, smear a little cream on the nipple, and then immediately
apply him to it.
621. If the breasts be full, hard, knotty, and painful, which they
generally are two or three days after a first confinement, let them be
well but tenderly rubbed every four hours, either with the best olive
oil (a little of which should, before using it, be previously warmed, by
putting a little of the oil in a teacup on the hob by the fire) or with
equal parts of olive oil and of eau de Cologne, which should be well
shaken up in a bottle every time before it be used.
622. On the third day, more especially after a first confinement,
the breasts are apt to become very much swollen, painful, and
distended. If such be the case, it might be necessary, for a few days,
to have them drawn, once or twice daily, by a woman who makes it
her business, and who is usually called either a breast-drawer, or, in
vulgar parlance, a suck-pap. A clean, sober, healthy, respectable
woman ought to be selected. There is, in nearly every large town, one
generally to be found who is at the head of her profession. Such a one
should be chosen.
623. If the bosoms be more than usually large and painful, in
addition to assiduously using the above liniment, apply to the
breasts, in the intervals, young cabbage-leaves, which should be
renewed after each rubbing. Before applying them, the “veins” of the
leaves, with a sharp knife, must be cut smooth, level with the leaf. It
will require several, as the whole of the breast ought to be covered.
The cabbage-leaves will be found both cooling and comfortable. Each
bosom should then be nicely supported with a soft folded silk
handkerchief, going under each breast and suspending it; each
handkerchief should then be tied at the back of the neck, thus acting
as a kind of sling.
624. The patient ought not, while the breasts are full and
uncomfortable, to drink much fluid, as it would only encourage a
larger secretion of milk.
625. When the milk is at “its height,” as it is called, she ought every
morning, for a couple of mornings, to take a little cooling medicine—
a Seidlitz powder—and, every four hours, the following effervescing
mixture:
Take of—Bicarbonate of Potash, one drachm and a half;
Distilled Water, eight ounces:
635. A nursing mother ought to have her dress, more especially her
stays, made loose and comfortable.
636. A gathered breast sometimes arises from the bones of the
stays pressing into the bosom; I should, therefore, recommend her to
have the bones removed.
637. If a lady be not in the habit of wearing a flannel waistcoat, she
ought at least to have her bosoms covered with flannel, taking care
that there be a piece of soft linen over the nipples.
638. I should advise a nursing mother to provide herself with a
waterproof nursing apron, which may be procured either at any
baby-linen establishment or at an india-rubber warehouse.
DIETARY.
656. Good habits are as easily formed as bad ones. A mother, when
in bed, ought always to suckle her child while she is lying down. The
sitting up in bed, during such times, is a fruitful source of
inflammation and of gathering of the breasts. Of course, during the
day the sitting-up position is the best. Let me caution her not to
nurse her baby in a half-sitting and half-lying posture; it will spoil
her figure, disturb her repose, and weaken her back.
THE TEMPER.
There is an old and a true saying, “that it is the stomach that makes
the man,” and if the man, the woman:
“Your stomach makes your fabric roll,
Just as the bias rules the bowl.”[117]
OCCUPATION.
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