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double bridge, or rather two bridges, one taking a north-west and
the other a north-easterly direction. An ancient author, Polyænus,
says “that they connected together a vast number of ships of
different kinds—some long vessels of fifty oars, others three-banked
galleys—to the number of three hundred and sixty, on the side
towards the Euxine Sea, and three hundred and thirteen on that of
the Hellespont. The former of these were placed transversely; but
the latter, to diminish the strain upon the cables, in the direction of
the current. When these vessels were firmly fastened to each other,
they were secured on each side by anchors of great strength—on
the upper side, towards the winds which set in from the Euxine; on
the lower side, towards the Ægean Sea, on account of the south and
south-east winds. They left, however, openings in three places
sufficient to afford a passage for the light vessels which might have
occasion to sail into the Euxine or from it. Having done this, they
extended cables from the shore, stretching them upon large
capstans of wood. For this purpose they did not employ a number of
separate cables, but united two of white flax with two of byblos.
These were alike in thickness, and apparently so in goodness; but
those of flax were in proportion much the more solid, weighing not
less than a talent to every cubit. When the passage was thus
secured, they sawed out rafters of wood, making their length equal
to the space required for the bridge. These they laid in order across
upon the extended cables, and then bound them fast together. They
next brought unwrought wood, which they placed very regularly
upon the rafters. Over all they threw earth, which they raised to a
proper height, and finished the whole by a fence on each side, that
the horses and other beasts of burthen might not be terrified by
looking down upon the sea.”
This bridge of boats, for such it may be properly called, resembled
materially those constructed by the moderns. The addition of the
suspension cables, which connected both ends of the bridge with the
shore, must have contributed greatly to its strength. The floating
bridges used in modern warfare, however, have this advantage over
those constructed by the ancients (of which that devised by Xerxes
was a very favourable specimen); the boats or pontoons upon which
such bridges are now erected are specially constructed for the
purpose, and an army on the march can carry these pontoons, like
other baggage, and when necessary a bridge can be built in a very
short time. When the army has passed the river the bridge can
readily be taken to pieces and the materials transported elsewhere,
to serve the same purpose again. An enemy pursuing, unless
provided with similar appliances for constructing a bridge, would find
his farther progress barred; but in the floating bridges used by the
ancients it was possible for the pursued to erect a bridge that would
be used also by their pursuers. The floating bridge by which Darius
crossed the Bosphorus is said to have been similar to that contrived
by Xerxes, although no precise record exists to enable us to
ascertain exactly how it was fashioned. Alexander adopted a
different course; taking advantage of such vessels as he could obtain
on the spot, by rowing or sailing he crossed the particular river or
strait which opposed his march. We have a remarkable example of a
floating bridge on the river Douro opposite to Oporto, but the bridge
erected by Xerxes seems rather to have resembled that thrown over
the Adour.
The only incident that occurred on our voyage to Alexandria was
furnished by a Turkish Aga, one of the passengers, who came on
board in considerable state. His attendants spread his carpet on
deck, that he might attend to his devotions. However, the sea was
so rough that directly he appeared on deck he lost his balance and
rolled over and over, which greatly hurt his dignity. He was very
much enraged, and, to revenge himself, immediately set to work
belabouring the unfortunate captain with his cane, saying that it was
entirely his fault for giving them a foul wind, though all the time it
was blowing most favourably, though rather too fresh for the Aga’s
comfort. I burst out laughing, but soon checking myself, interceded
for the poor captain and got him off, while the Aga retired to his
cabin and delivered himself over to seasickness.
The situation chosen for the city of Alexandria, which Alexander
the Great founded as the emporium of the Mediterranean after the
destruction of Tyre, was peculiarly favourable, for the seven mouths
of the Nile at that time existing were ill adapted for the safe passage
of large vessels; all of them were more or less obstructed by bars,
upon which during the stormy seasons there was a heavy surf, so
that it was extremely dangerous to attempt their navigation.
Alexander therefore resolved to adopt a situation totally independent
of the Nile, and accordingly selected Alexandria, as being the
farthest point from the mouths of that river, and the least affected
by the alluvium brought down by it, and that which is carried along
the shore by the western littoral current.
At the time the present situation was selected there was a small
island not far from the shore. This island he connected with the
mainland by means of an embankment faced with masonry, thus
forming a double harbour, namely, one on the eastern side, which
was protected by the promontory bounding the bay; and one on the
western side, protected by a reef of rocks running in a westerly
direction from the original island, and the projecting point of the bay
to the west, so that the western harbour was tolerably well shielded
on all sides, with the exception of the entrances between the rocks
on the north; but through these only a comparatively small amount
of swell can penetrate. It contains space for all the vessels that are
likely to frequent this port, and the accommodation may be further
increased, to almost any extent required, by making docks inland. It
is true that in order to connect this port with the Nile above the bars
and the interior country, a canal or other means of communication
was requisite. A canal at that time was the only effectual method
known, and this was accordingly adopted, and was made to the
Canopic branch of the Nile, skirting along the shores of the Lake
Mareotis for a considerable distance; but it was frequently filled up
by the sand blown in from the desert and the adjacent shores. This
sand was as constantly removed, and the communication between
Alexandria and the Nile more or less imperfectly preserved. In 1851
the Pacha completed a line of railway between Alexandria and Cairo,
and thus got rid of the uncertainty and expense of maintaining the
canal and the river navigation. This railway was made under the
direction of the late eminent engineer, Mr. Robert Stephenson, and
now a perfect and economical communication is kept up by this
means between Alexandria, Cairo, and the interior.
The eastern harbour of Alexandria, the water being very shallow,
is now scarcely used except for the small coasting vessels; but it
does not appear that in either the eastern or western harbours there
is any material tendency to shoal.
When I was there, Alexandria, although possessing considerable
trade, was but a poor place compared to the present city, and all the
business of shipping, transhipping, and storing of goods was carried
on in a very rude and costly manner, which is now materially
changed for the better.
Besides Pompey’s Pillar, the other important relic is Cleopatra’s
Needle, then as now lying prostrate. This needle was given to the
British army, and a large subscription, amounting it is said to about
20,000l., was raised to transport it to England, and there to erect it
in some conspicuous place in the metropolis, as a trophy of the
signal success of the British army. For some reason or other, never
properly explained, this has never been done, although seventy
years have elapsed since the money was subscribed. When I
returned from Upper Egypt, in the month of March, 1821, I found
that the English Government, after repeated applications, had sent
the ‘Spry,’ sloop of war, commanded by Captain Boswell, with my old
friend and schoolfellow, Captain Wright, of the Royal Engineers, to
report upon the cost, and the best plan for bringing Cleopatra’s
Needle to England; but this all ended in nothing being done,
although Captain Wright’s report was very favourable, both as to the
cost and feasibility.
On reaching Cairo I had an audience with the celebrated or
notorious pasha, Mehemet Ali. He received me with great dignity
and civility, and said that the English were his best friends, upon
which I could not help saying to myself, Thank God we are not his
subjects! He was no doubt a very remarkable man—cool,
determined, able, and courageous. He reduced the turbulent rulers
and Bedouin tribes of Egypt to subjection, and procured a degree of
tranquillity and peace for the oppressed inhabitants which they had
not enjoyed for many generations; and if he plundered them himself,
he would allow no one else to do so. Nevertheless, one cannot but
be horrified at the atrocities with which all this was accompanied and
accomplished. While here I saw a few Mamelukes who had escaped
the massacre of 1809, and who were permitted to reside here. I was
much struck by their martial air, their richly-embroidered costumes,
and superbly mounted pistols and scimitars. As a body they were
nearly exterminated, the survivors being allowed to subsist on the
little property saved from the wreck. Egypt, like Constantinople, has
since been so well described, and is now so well known (though at
that time my journey to the second cataract was deemed
extraordinary), that it is unnecessary for me to go over the same
ground.
I hired a khangé, or small boat, manned by a reis, or captain, and
eight rowers, with a tolerably comfortable raised cabin behind,
divided into two parts, in neither of which, however, could I stand
upright. But by this time I had become pretty well accustomed to
the usages of the country, and my limbs being tolerably supple, I did
not much mind it. I engaged the khangé at so much per month, I
finding provisions for myself and servants, the reis agreeing to do
the same for himself and his crew. Having stocked my boat with
everything we were likely to require for four months, I embarked at
Bouloe, accompanied by my servant Demetrius and a janissary. We
came to anchor every night near the most convenient village, and
started next morning soon after daybreak. At midday I halted for an
hour, and sometimes more, in order to allow the captain and his
crew to take their dinner comfortably, whilst I and my servants took
ours. When the wind was unfavourable the crew were obliged to row
or track the boat against the current; at such times I used to land
and walk along the bank, gun in hand, exploring the adjacent
antiquities or the surrounding country; and I found that I could
easily keep pace with the boat. Where there was any object
particularly worthy of remark, I had the boat moored as near to the
bank as I could, whilst I went ashore, examined, sketched, and
measured the objects in question at my leisure, and in this way I
took measurements of all the edifices of any note. When there were
none, I used to indulge in a sporting excursion, and found ample
amusement. I not only procured many interesting objects of natural
history, but shot numerous wild fowl, that were a very welcome
addition to my table. Thus I passed a very agreeable time. Never
idle for a moment—always employed, either for instruction or
amusement; and my whole time was my own. I carried my house
with me; and when there was nothing interesting on the route, and I
had filled my book with sketches, if my journal was in arrear, I used
to remain in the boat posting it up, whilst we were sailing, tracking,
or rowing.
On my way up a sad accident deprived me of the services of my
faithful attendant—I may say friend—Demetrius. We met a boat,
having on board the O’Conor Don, Captain Groding, and another,
coming down. They hailed us, and as they were short of provisions,
I gave them a liberal supply, and invited them to dinner, the two
crews regaling themselves and firing feux de joie at the same time.
Suddenly a tremendous explosion, followed by a loud cry, was heard,
and hastening on deck I found poor Demetrius covered with blood
from two deep wounds in the throat and breast, his pistol having
burst in his hand. At first I thought it would have been fatal, the
effusion of blood was so great. I succeeded, however, in tying up the
wounds and stopping the hemorrhage. It was then a question what
should be done with him, as I was not surgeon enough to cure him,
and no advice was to be had. In this emergency my new friends
were so kind as to offer to take him to Cairo, where he could be
properly attended to. I gladly accepted the offer, and supplied him
with a sufficient sum of money, and requested them to place him in
charge of the Consul, with directions to procure the best medical
advice, for which I was of course responsible. Independently of the
accident, I was much grieved to part with him, and was at first
greatly at a loss for his services; but my janissary, an Italian turned
Mussulman, and who spoke Arabic very well, and was not a bad
cook, cheerfully consented to do what he could; and the reis also, a
very civil fellow, as well as his crew, did all in their power to
compensate me for the loss of Demetrius, so that after a short time
we managed between us to get along pretty well.
I will only add one more incident, because it seems to show that
the serpents used by serpent-charmers are not always deprived of
their fangs, as is usually supposed, but that there is some real secret
which renders them harmless or powerless. I was measuring the
Temple of Edfou, when I saw a peculiarly venomous serpent come
out of its hole, whilst an Arab boy who stood by fixed his eye
steadily upon it the moment he saw it, the reptile fixing his eyes on
the boy. The lad began waving his hands gently up and down,
humming a peculiar tune in a low, monotonous tone. The serpent
seemed to be charmed, and lay perfectly still, listening to and
keeping its eyes attentively on the boy, who, finding that he had
charmed it, was about to secure it; but at this I was so horrified,
that I took up a large stone and killed the reptile. The boy was very
angry, and assailed me with the most vehement gestures and
imprecations, at which I laughed heartily. I afterwards learned that
he was the son of a serpent-charmer, and was collecting these
reptiles for his father.
In proceeding along the banks of the Nile, I observed that the
land inclined from the margin of the river to the base of the adjacent
hills. This is nothing more than might have been expected, as it is
usual under all similar circumstances, and is caused by the periodical
inundation. Thus, whenever the river rises above the margin, the
current naturally diminishes in velocity as it encroaches on the
banks, and to a certain extent becomes stagnant, and then deposits
the alluvial matter with which the waters are charged; and as the
water spreads farther on both sides from the main body of the river,
it becomes clearer, and contains less alluvial matter. This is a wise
provision of nature, for it enables the waters to extend a long way,
and thus to irrigate a great extent of land. In order to ensure this
irrigation more effectually, it is only necessary to keep open
sufficient channels, which may be done with facility. But suppose this
was not the case; suppose the land farthest off silted up first, then it
would be necessary, for the purpose of irrigation, to raise the water
by artificial means at considerable extra cost, to irrigate those lands
farthest from the river. However, in process of time, as the land rises
both at the sides of the river and the parts more remote from it
where they have attained the utmost level of the floods, recourse
must be had to art to irrigate the lands, otherwise their fertility and
cultivation must cease, as the quantity of rainfall in the lower valley
of the Nile, as it passes through Egypt, is comparatively trifling; in
fact, the fertility of the country depends almost entirely upon the
floods.
It is very probable that these waters might be utilized to a much
greater extent by establishing large reservoirs in the adjacent
valleys, which would be filled during the rising of the floods; and
when these latter have subsided, the stored-up water could be
discharged during the dry seasons for irrigation, navigation, and
numerous other purposes. According to the present system, a vast
quantity of water is allowed to waste, and the means of cultivating a
large additional tract of country, now a desert, is lost. This object
might be carried still farther by improving the channel of the Nile up
to the great lakes of Albert and Victoria Nyanza, for the most part
now a marshy, pestiferous district; this will very probably be done,
as the subject becomes better understood; indeed, it is surprising
how little the advantages which nature offers us in this respect are
turned to account.
The delta of the Nile, like other rivers of the same class and
magnitude under similar circumstances, advances outwards into the
Mediterranean, and in proportion as it moves forward, the depth of
water increases, and the width of the delta becomes greater, so that
it requires a larger quantity of alluvium to maintain its progress,
which becomes necessarily slower—that is, as far as concerns the
alluvium brought down by the Nile. But then it must be observed,
that as the delta proceeds outward, the stagnation produced by the
protrusion of its apex into the Mediterranean causes a greater
accumulation of alluvial matter to be deposited on both sides of the
apex, and consequently two great bays are formed, one on either
side, although the shores of these bays necessarily do not advance
so rapidly as the centre portion. In proportion as the several
branches of the Nile advance seaward, so their courses become
lengthened, and consequently the total fall or inclination of the
current becomes diminished, so that it cannot keep them all open;
and hence, out of the eight branches or mouths of the Nile which
existed in ancient times, only two now remain—namely, the
Damietta and Rosetta mouths, and these are slowly deteriorating.
Whilst upon this part of the subject, it may be advisable to make a
few remarks about the Suez Canal. This great work consists of an
open cutting or trench from the Bay of Pelusium (Port Said) to the
Red Sea at Suez, a total length of 99 miles, 196 feet wide at top, 72
feet wide at bottom, and 26 feet deep, with side slopes of 2 to 1. At
the Mediterranean end there is a rise of tide or variation in the
surface of the sea of from 1 foot to 2 feet, and at the Suez end from
2 feet at neaps to 6 feet at springs.
On the Mediterranean the entrance to the canal is protected by an
artificial harbour composed of two piers carried from the shore. The
western pier is carried out 2400 yards in a straight line, pointing
towards the north, it then inclines slightly to the east for 330 yards,
so that the total length of the west breakwater or pier is 2730 yards,
or 8190 feet. The eastern breakwater or pier is carried out from the
shore at a distance of 1530 yards from the commencement of the
western pier, and is extended in a northerly direction 2070 yards,
where it terminates at 760 yards from extremity of the west pier,
which constitutes the entrance. Thus the two piers enclose a space
of 500 acres, with a depth within of 26 feet. This harbour is said to
be well protected against the prevailing or north-west winds.
This outer harbour, called Port Said, is connected with extensive
quays and basins within, from whence the canal proceeds across the
isthmus. At 52 miles from Port Said there is Lake Timsah; also Lake
Ismaila and the Bitter Lakes, at 57 miles from Port Said. These Bitter
Lakes cover a surface of about 100,000 acres, and will always
ensure a considerable draught or current from the Red Sea, to
compensate for the large amount of evaporation which is constantly
going on, particularly during the summer season, and is said to
amount to about 250,000,000 cubic feet daily. In order to supply
fresh water to Suez, Ismaila, and Port Said, a considerable channel
has been made from the Nile, at Cairo, to Suez and Ismaila, and a
double line of cast-iron pipes between Ismaila and Port Said, with
pumping engines of the requisite power at the former place.
The entrance to the Suez end of the canal is formed by an
extensive double embankment through the shoal water, increasing
gradually from a width of 72 feet at bottom, to 980 feet, where
there is an open tidal dock, with 26 feet depth at low water.
This is no doubt a very extraordinary performance, rendered
remarkable for the vast amount of capital which has been raised by
a single individual—not an engineer—and the wonderful energy and
perseverance with which he has accomplished it, opposed by
innumerable obstacles, political and financial, which would have
daunted and overwhelmed any person of ordinary physical powers.
Although as an engineering work it is encountered by no unusual
difficulties in the execution—being simply a matter of digging and
dredging upon a vast scale—yet it certainly entitles M. Lesseps and
his officers to the greatest credit.
Having now generally described the canal, let us consider how far
natural obstacles exist which should cause any doubts as to its being
possible to maintain the canal at such an expense as will enable it to
produce something like a reasonable profit upon the capital
expended in making it.
These obstacles may be enumerated as follows:
Firstly. The alluvial matter brought down by the Nile, and that
from the prevailing littoral westerly current in the Mediterranean.
Secondly. The sands driven by the north-westerly winds into Port
Said.
Thirdly. The sands driven into Suez by the southerly winds.
 Fourthly. The sands driven into the canal from the surrounding
deserts by the kamsin, or south-east winds.
Fifthly. From the great evaporation which will take place, and the
consequent requirement of a corresponding supply of water both
from the Mediterranean and the Red Sea.
Sixthly. Whether the expenses which must necessarily be incurred
in overcoming these obstacles will amount to such a sum as will
render the canal practically useless, that is to say, that it will not be
worth the while of the Company to maintain it.
Before considering these important questions, it will be right to
investigate the natural causes which have formed the Isthmus of
Suez. I think we may conclude that Africa was originally an island,
and that by degrees the waters of the Red Sea, driven in by the
southerly winds, and those of the Mediterranean, driven by the
northerly winds, brought with them a great quantity of alluvial
matter; at the junction of these waters the currents would be
destroyed, and the alluvium with which the waters were charged
would be deposited and form a bank or bar, which by degrees rose
above the ordinary level of the sea. This bank, once formed, would
continually increase, not only from the alluvium brought in by the
seas, but also from the sands blown in by the northerly and
southerly winds from the surrounding deserts; and thus, in the
process of time, the present isthmus would be formed. I think that
the practical evidence of this is undoubted. The same operations are
still in existence, and it is simply a question of time as to the
increase.
Having discussed the cause of the formation of the isthmus, I will
now proceed to consider the objections or obstacles above
mentioned. With regard to the first, the waters of the Nile are
constantly bringing down alluvial matter, but whether the quantity
brought down now is the same as formerly, or greater or less, is a
question which nothing but experience can decide. But as far as
experiments have already been made, it appears that the
accumulation which has already taken place is considerable, and if it
proceeds in the same ratio as hitherto, it must shortly become a very
serious question whether it should be removed or not, and whether
it might not be remunerative to do so.
Secondly. With regard to the sands driven in by the northerly
winds; these must be very considerable, and not being able to
escape, they must accumulate and tend to fill up the harbour; this
will necessitate constant dredging to keep it open.
Thirdly. The sands driven by the tide and the southerly winds into
the Suez end of the canal. These also must be very considerable, as
is already evinced by the great extent of shallow water at the
northern extremity of the Red Sea. This also must be reduced by
dredging.
Fourthly. With regard to the quantity of sand which may be
expected to be driven into the other parts of the canal from the
surrounding deserts, during the winter and spring prevailing kamsin,
or southeasterly gales. This quantity has been proved by one year’s
experience to be not less than 310,000 cubic yards, and at times it
may possibly be much more. It is proposed to check this by planting
the sides of the canal with trees. Still a great deal of dredging must
be constantly required.
Fifthly. The evaporation from the Bitter Lakes, and parts of the
canal adjacent, is said to be 250,000,000 cubic feet of water, which
is equivalent to about three-quarters of an inch daily. This water will
have to be supplied chiefly from the Red Sea; and as it will have to
pass through such a narrow channel, the velocity of the current will
probably amount to two or three miles per hour, and if the banks of
the canal are not well secured by paving, or similar works, they will
be liable to be seriously affected. The constant indraught of the
current will impede vessels coming from the Mediterranean, whilst it
will facilitate the passage of vessels coming from the Red Sea; and
in the same manner there will be a constant current from the
Mediterranean, but by no means to so great an extent. These
currents will also very probably bring in a considerable quantity of
alluvium. They will not, however, very materially interfere with the
passage of steam-vessels, although, if the latter are permitted to go
at full speed, the waves produced by them will scour away the sides
considerably, unless well protected by stone paving, fagoting, or
similar works.
Upon the whole, viewing the difficulties above mentioned, the
question naturally arises, whether they are of such a character as to
be insurmountable; and to this I think we may safely say that they
are not. What has been done once, as has been proved by the
completion of the canal, can be done again, and will be maintained
with much less difficulty. So far, therefore, viewed simply as a work
of engineering, it resolves itself into a question of cost, or in other
words, will the work pay as a commercial speculation, seeing that it
has already cost 20,000,000l., and a great deal more is still required
before it can be said to be quite complete, besides a very large sum
for annual maintenance, and what this last item will be it is very
difficult to decide, and nothing but experience can prove; still the
more the canal becomes known, the more in all probability will it be
used, and therefore the more money will be available for keeping it
in repair. In addition to the dredging, it is very probable that the
piers, both at Port Said and Suez, will have to be extended
considerably.
The whole of the valley of the Nile, from the head of the delta
below Cairo, is bordered by ridges of sandstone hills a few hundred
feet high, with generally a plain monotonous tableland above,
intersected by numerous ravines; no granite appears until we reach
Assouan. In the vicinity of this place there are numerous quarries of
fine granite, chiefly red; the masses are so compact that blocks of
almost any size may be obtained from near the surface. From this
district all the granite for the obelisks, statues, and columns of the
various buildings, temples, and pyramids on both sides of the valley
have been taken. Transported in flat-bottomed boats and rafts to the
places where they were intended to be used, they were landed by
means of inclined planes of wood, with rollers, and wedges, assisted
by numerous rough capstans or windlasses, worked by countless
gangs of men. This work appears to have been done with
considerable skill, and the necessary combined operations were
carried on simultaneously, by means of well-concerted signals. These
operations are very clearly explained by the sculptured figures, and
have been published by Sir Gardner Wilkinson and others.
Whilst examining the granite quarries near Assouan, I observed
several imperfect blocks, which the Egyptians had commenced
quarrying, but found them defective, and ceased working them. The
mode of quarrying seems to have been nearly the same as we
employ at the present time, namely, by wedges, levers, and
pickaxes. Even if gunpowder had been known it would have been of
very little use, for it would have in most cases destroyed the blocks,
and the waste would have been enormous.
It does not quite clearly appear of what metal the tools were
composed with which they worked the granite, whether of iron or
bronze; if of the former, it must have been case-hardened. The
polishing would be done by attrition with emery or sharp silicious
sand. As for the stone, being sandstone, it was easily worked, and
softer tools only were required.
As soon as I got back to Alexandria my first inquiries were for
poor Demetrius. To my great delight I found him quite recovered,
and overjoyed at seeing me; but he said he had been very ill for six
weeks, and had several times considered himself dying. I
immediately set to work making arrangements for my journey
overland to Palestine, when I was suddenly interrupted by letters
from my father, saying that he was very unwell, and wishing me to
come back as soon as possible. I instantly dismissed Demetrius with
a very handsome gratuity, discontinued my preparations, and,
through Mr. Lee, our Consul at Alexandria, hired a passage to Malta
in a merchant vessel. I was, however, laid up for several days at
Cairo with fever, which was not pleasant, as the plague was then
raging. As soon as I was sufficiently recovered I proceeded to
Alexandria, where I found that the merchantman had already sailed.
However, as I have said before, Captain Boswell, with H.M. sloop,
the ‘Spry,’ was there, having Captain Wright on board, and the latter
having finished his report on Cleopatra’s Needle, the sloop was
about to return to Malta, and they very kindly offered me a passage.
This I gladly accepted, and on arriving at Malta found that the
plague had broken out on board the merchantman in which I had
engaged a passage, and that several of the crew had died. She was
then in quarantine, and before long everyone on board died of the
plague, and I saw the ship burnt. I humbly thanked an all-merciful
Providence for its inscrutable dispositions.
At Malta, though better, I still retained the fever, and consulted Dr.
Groves, the head of the naval medical department. He looked very
grave and said little, but recommended me to go to England as soon
as possible, while he told a friend of mine that he did not think I
should recover, the fever having taken such hold of my constitution.
However, by the aid of bark and port wine I became temporarily
myself, and as soon as I was able I proceeded to pay my visits. I
called on the Commander-in-Chief of the Mediterranean squadron,
Sir Graham Moore, who gave me every assistance in his power, and
introduced me to Admiral Woolley, chief of the dockyard, to whom
and his amiable wife I owe my gratitude for their kind hospitality.
They introduced me to Sir Manly Power, the commander of the
military forces, and from him and the various messes of the
regiments composing the garrison I met with the most friendly
reception. I here made the acquaintance of Mr. Strutt, one of the
sons of Mr. Strutt, of Belper, and with him I explored both Malta and
Gozo. He shortly after left for Greece and the East, where he died of
malaria, which I much regretted, as he was a remarkably fine,
intelligent, and spirited young man.
While I was here His Majesty George IV.’s birthday was celebrated
with the greatest éclat. At twelve o’clock the entire garrison was
reviewed by Sir Manly Power, with the usual salutes from the forts
and ships of war. At sunset all the guns on the works were fired.
This was a magnificent sight, and, that I might see it properly, I was
invited to dine at the artillery mess at St. Elmo, from whence the
first gun was fired; this was taken up by fort after fort until the
entire fortress seemed in a blaze, and the whole was terminated by
a magnificent bouquet of rockets.
I embarked for Naples on board a cutter commanded by Mr.
Thurtle, one of the oldest midshipmen in the navy. He was a very
peculiar and rather eccentric character, rough and sarcastic in
manner, an excellent sailor, and a kind-hearted man. His long service
and great experience rendered him well known throughout the navy,
and his wit and good-humour made him a favourite wherever he
went; in fact, he was a privileged person throughout the fleet, and
enabled to assume a character which few officers of far higher rank
thought of attempting. Unfortunately he was the brother of that
daring and dissipated criminal who shortly afterwards murdered his
companion, Welsh, at Elstree, for which he was hanged at the Old
Bailey. This was a sad blow to the poor midshipman, and one from
which I afterwards heard that he never recovered. My voyage with
him was most agreeable. He was very kind and attentive, full of fun
and humour, yet never for a moment neglecting his duties, and he
kept his crew and ship in the most perfect order.
On landing at Naples I got apartments in the Gran Bretagna (then,
and I believe now, the principal hotel), with more ease than usual, in
consequence of the rapid advance of an Austrian army, thirty
thousand strong, commanded by General Baron Pirmont, at the
request of the King of Naples. I saw them enter, and very fine troops
they were, especially the Tyrolese yagers. Later on, when I wished
to make an excursion to Pæstum, I obtained, through the kindness
of the colonel of the regiment, two Tyrolese corporals as escort.
They sat, rifle in hand, on the box of my carriage, and mounted
guard while I sketched. We saw several ill-looking fellows, armed,
prowling about, but none dared venture within reach of the rifles.
Letters from my father reached me here, saying that he was a good
deal better, and that there was no necessity for my hurrying; I
therefore, while still hastening home, thought I might allow myself a
few days on the road to visit those objects of interest which I had
previously omitted.
 While at Naples I also examined an open pier, of which there are
numerous specimens about the bay. This pier is constructed in a
peculiar manner of pozzolana mixed up with irregular-shaped pieces
of brick, marble, and tufa, or volcanic stone. The piers were formed
by enclosing the space in a wooden dam or box, then filling it with
the materials above mentioned, which after a short time set under
water, and became a solid mass; the cofferdam was then removed
and the pier left standing; then another was constructed in the same
manner, until the required number were completed; upon these piers
arches were built, and upon the top of them a roadway and parapet
were constructed. The piers were about the same thickness, or
rather greater, than the span of the arches. The object of the
openings and piers was to provide a barrier which should be just
sufficient to break the swell, but not large enough to obstruct the
current, as the latter prevented any sediment from accumulating on
either side of the pier. This is a very ingenious and novel mode of
constructing piers, and it is strange that a like method has not been
adopted in England, where the vast quantity of alluvial matter
carried by the currents along our coasts accumulates round solid
piers, and frequently fills up the harbours, rendering them almost
useless, unless the accumulated matter be removed by dredging at
continual expense.
Whilst breakfasting at the hotel at Pozzoli I felt an attack of my old
enemy, the malaria fever, coming on; I therefore got back to Naples
as soon as possible, and was obliged to go to bed, and there I
remained for several days perfectly helpless. Thinking it would leave
me, I did not send for medical advice. However, finding myself
gradually getting worse, I was recommended to send for Dr. Roskilly,
formerly an army surgeon, who had now established himself at
Naples as a physician, and from his well-known skill and courteous
manners had obtained considerable practice, particularly amongst
the English. He came, and I found him such as described; he
examined me carefully, and, after a considerable time of grave
consideration, he said that I was in a very bad way, that the fever
had got such a strong hold of me that it was continually undermining
my constitution, and that, if not speedily arrested, he could not
answer for the consequences; indeed, I might not live to see
England. The worthy doctor, with whom I was much pleased, then
left, and promised to return the next day at the same time, which he
did. He then said that he had given my case his utmost
consideration, and he was more than ever convinced that some
decisive measure was necessary. My constitution was still good, and
strong enough for the measure he would propose; and if I would
submit to him, he felt confident that he could carry me through. He
explained his remedy, which was nothing more or less than that I
should take blue pill, as much as I was able; this, he said, would
thoroughly eradicate the fever. I accordingly consented, as my case
was desperate. It succeeded completely after about a fortnight’s
trial. I felt very weak, but I was entirely a different man. I soon
began to recover strength and appetite, and in about another week I
was enabled to go out, and became myself again. No doubt the
remedy was severe, but I must in justice to the able doctor say that
he perfectly cured me; for although in after life I was frequently
exposed to malaria influence in the fens of Lincolnshire, Walcheren,
the worst parts of Holland, Tunis, and elsewhere, I never had an
attack of the malaria fever.
On my way northwards I stopped two days at Mola di Gaeta,
where the Apennines approach the sea, and where are numerous
traces of the villas of the old Roman aristocracy; it was well I did so,
for the brigands had mustered in great strength in the adjoining
mountains, and committed many atrocities; amongst other things,
they had just carried off a number of pupils from a neighbouring
school. The Austrians, who were there in great force, at the request
of the local authorities came to the rescue. A very strong patrol of
cavalry kept the main roads, while a still more numerous body of
Tyrolese swept the valleys and penetrated the recesses of the
mountains. The brigands at first defied their pursuers, but finding
themselves hard pressed, they killed their unfortunate prisoners. On
hearing this the Austrians attacked at once, and having slain a great
number, made the rest prisoners. I saw about thirty chained
together, who, I believe, were all shot the next day. The road being
now clear, I resumed my journey.
At Florence I carefully examined and measured the celebrated
bridge of the Most Holy Trinity, by Ammanati, across the Arno, near
the Gran Bretagna. This beautiful structure, a masterpiece in the art
of bridge-building, consists of three arches; the arches may be
termed semi-elliptic, slightly pointed at the crown; perhaps they
might be more appropriately termed Gothi-elliptic. The slight
pointing at the crown may have been done to allow for sinking,
which did not take place to the extent calculated upon. Each of the
arches is surrounded with a moulded archivolt of equal thickness
throughout, with an ornamented scroll or shield in the centre of the
spandril walls supporting the roadway, which is bounded by a solid
panelled bridge. The piers are terminated by acute angular
buttresses carved up to the top, and panelled also. The whole is built
of marble, and is certainly one of the lightest, most elegant, and
most scientific structures of the kind in existence. Some doubts as to
its stability have existed at various times; nevertheless, it still exists
without a flaw, and as a model to engineers and architects.
I visited the magnificent picture gallery of the Palazzo Pitti, replete
with choice specimens of the great Italian masters. The palace itself
is a fine example of the simple, massive, rusticated style, devoid of
ornament. The effect is imposing, and shows what may be done by
bold, well-defined masses, without resorting to that exuberant over-
ornamented style, intermixed with all sorts of coloured marble, so
much the fashion of the present day, particularly in England, where
the climate is peculiarly unsuited for it; in any case it can only be
termed a vitiated taste. If the building is well designed and properly
grouped in effective masses, so as to give well-defined portions of
light and shade, there can be no need of extraneous ornaments, as
they only detract from the general effect; and where a building is
not well designed no ornament can render it effective.
The port of Leghorn consisted of several solid stone piers, which
did not appear to be laid out in the most scientific manner, and
considerable improvements were in contemplation when I saw it.
The great difficulty it has to contend with is the quantity of alluvial
matter brought down by the Arno, which spreads along the coast for
some distance both to the north and south. This might be obviated
by judiciously adopting the principle of open piers, as invented by
the Romans, so as to allow the littoral current full scope; this would
sweep away the alluvium as fast as it was deposited, and the
requisite protection from westerly winds might be easily obtained if
the works were constructed on a proper system.
Passing by Carrara, I was much struck by the waste consequent
on the clumsy method of working the quarries, and of transporting
and loading the blocks. It occurred to me at the time how easy it
would be to construct an iron tramway from the quarries to the
shore, with a suitable pier furnished with powerful derricks at its
termination, and this, with proper machinery for quarrying, all of
which would have cost but little, would materially reduce the price of
the marble, and consequently increase the demand.
As I passed the magnificent and well-protected Gulf of Spezzia, I
thought, “What a splendid site for a naval arsenal!” This idea has
now been at least partially carried into effect, and if the works are
properly designed and executed, it ought to be one of the finest in
Europe.
The morning after my arrival at Genoa I arose early, quite
refreshed, and went first to the harbour, which I had always heard
was one of the finest works of the kind in the world, and as such my
excellent father expected that I should give him a complete account
of it. I therefore examined it very minutely, and took great pains in
tracing, sketching, and measuring it, when I could do so without
being observed, for there was a good deal of jealousy about it. At
first sight I was very much struck by the extent and magnificence of
the bay, with the fine old town rising like a vast amphitheatre of
palaces round it, surrounded by a huge circle of forts which crowned
the summits of the hills; and by the great extent and massiveness of
the two outer moles, the depth of water enclosed within them being
capable of receiving at all times the largest vessels of war. But when
I began to examine more narrowly I found that there, was a great
error in the design of the main or outer moles. The southern, which
was the longest, consisted of two arms, the outer one inclining
inward at a considerable angle, whilst the northern mole consisted of
a single straight line projecting from the shore in a south-south-west
direction, so that the entrance pointed south-south-west, and was
consequently exposed to the full effect of the severe gales which
blow up the Gulf of Lyons during the winter and autumn months; the
consequence is that during severe gales from this quarter a heavy
swell sets into the entrance and produces such a strong current
throughout the interior of the harbour that vessels in front of the
town and under the southern mole can scarcely ride with safety at
their moorings. This is a serious defect, and it might be easily
remedied, although up to the present I have not heard that anything
has been done. In the construction of the works there was nothing
particular to find fault with, but there was a serious error committed
in the disposal of the sewage; the whole of this was discharged into
the harbour, so that in hot weather a most disagreeable effluvia
arose in front of the lower part of the town; moreover, it caused the
accumulation of a considerable quantity of alluvial matter. This had
to be removed by constant dredging, in which convict labour was
employed. The alluvium was emptied into lighters and sent out to
sea to be discharged. The old arsenal was situated at the south-east
corner of the inner harbour; it was quite unequal to the
requirements of modern times.
While I was at Genoa an accident occurred by which my old
acquaintance the sloop ‘Spry’ was nearly lost. Captain Boswell,
having served his time, had been succeeded by another captain,
who, contrary to strict rule, had his wife on board. The evening on
which the captain had given orders to prepare for sailing there
happened to be a grand ball in the town, and the lady persuaded
her husband to take her, and defer sailing to the morrow. By this
time the ‘Spry’ had left the harbour, and lay at single anchor outside
the north mole. During the night a strong gale sprung up from the
south. As the ship could not regain her old position the officer in
command let go two more anchors, but two cables having parted
she dragged her third anchor, and was driven close to the rocks. No
assistance could be given from the shore, and, as her position
seemed hopeless, the officers and crew took to their boats, and
managed to get off in safety. To the astonishment of everybody,
however, the last cable held, and the recoil of the waves, so close
was she to the rocks, actually prevented her from striking, and so
she remained until the gale abated, and the ship was saved. The
odd part of it was, that when the crew were about leaving the ship
my old friend Dr. Biggar was asleep in the cabin, and when aroused
flew into a violent rage, and threw a bootjack at the head of the
midshipman who woke him. After several ineffectual attempts, the
midshipman was obliged to leave him, and he turned round and
slept soundly till the morning. Judge of his surprise when he awoke
and found what had happened during the night!
After passing rapidly through France, I embarked from Boulogne,
September 23, 1821, in a small packet, during a very strong gale,
with about fifty other passengers.
The following day we started with the morning’s tide with about
seventy passengers, of whom Colonel Hylton Jolliffe, a friend of my
father’s, was one. We left Boulogne about eleven, and reached
Dover at 2 p.m.; I directly started by coach for London, and reached
my father’s, 27, Stamford Street, the same night. I found him in very
bad health, lying upon the sofa in the principal front bedroom; he
was glad to see me.
He continued in the same weak state, although in perfect
possession of all his great faculties, dictated to me several letters on
business, and talked of sundry new works that he was about to
undertake, particularly the new London Bridge, and the removal of
the old one, which had been for some time under discussion in
Parliament; a Bill for this purpose had actually been introduced
during the past session, and my father had been requested to
prepare a design for it, which he did, and it was very similar to that
since executed by myself. My father’s bodily health appeared to
decline gradually; he was confined almost to the sofa, and could do
little more than walk across the room; in this manner he continued
until the 3rd of October. He went to bed as usual, perfectly sensible
and composed, and hoped that he would soon be better, as he was
most anxious to return to business and make up for lost time. I went
to his room on the morning of the 4th of October, and found that a
considerable change for the worse had taken place; he seemed to be
in much pain, and was walking about the room, evidently scarcely
knowing what he was about. I got him into bed, and immediately
sent for his physician, Dr. Ainslie, who had known him all his life, but
he was unfortunately out of town. The apothecary, Mr. Welbank,
came, and we consulted together as to whom we should send for,
and ultimately summoned Dr. Roberts, who, although in good
practice, had never seen my father, and consequently knew nothing
of his constitution or complaints. He did the best he could, but
evidently thought the case was very serious. My father lay in bed all
day, almost unconscious, although I thought he knew me. I
remained with him nearly the whole day, and about five o’clock in
the afternoon he appeared to be sinking fast, and breathed very
heavily, which alarmed us all excessively. In a short time this ceased,
his features began gradually to relax, and he breathed his last at
half-past five on the afternoon of the 4th of October, 1821, in the
sixty-first year of his age.
The disease which killed my poor father was that of the kidneys
and liver, as far as we could ascertain. All my brothers and sisters
were assembled round his deathbed. It was a sad, sad sight, and
afflicted us most severely; we had, however, the melancholy
satisfaction of having done all in our power, though of no avail, to
arrest the fatal event. He was universally known and respected; the
news of his death spread immediately throughout the town, the
public papers were filled with leading articles giving accounts of his
public and private life, and everybody deplored his loss. One of the
most powerful and touching articles was written by his talented
friend Perry, the proprietor of the ‘Morning Chronicle,’ who was then
at Brighton in bad health, and died there three months afterwards.
It seemed to be the universal wish that he who had rendered so
many services to his country and was so generally beloved, should
be buried in St. Paul’s, and arrangements were made accordingly.
The funeral took place a few days afterwards, at eleven o’clock, and
he was attended to his last resting-place by a vast concourse of
literary, scientific, and private friends. The late talented John Wilson
Croker, Esq., then First Secretary of the Admiralty, wrote the epitaph,
which was composed in the most feeling and scholar-like manner for
which that able gentleman was so particularly well qualified.
[1] Let me here relate an anecdote of the almost incredible
instinct of the dog. Passing by the palace of the Austrian viceroy, I
observed a dog sitting with an air of profound melancholy before
one of the sentry-boxes. Colonel Brown, our representative, who
was then with me, said that this dog formerly belonged to a
soldier of the body-guard of Eugène Beauharnois, the viceroy, and
accompanied his master to Moscow. The man never returned, but
upwards of two years afterwards the dog did, and resumed his
station before his former master’s sentry-box. After a time the
dog came to be talked about, and at length the viceroy, an
Austrian archduke, had him brought into the palace and tried to
domesticate him, but he always returned to the sentry-box, where
he lay motionless, and at times moaning. Seeing this, the
archduke ordered him daily rations, and he was placed in the
sentry’s orders for protection, and in this state I saw him; but a
short time after the dog died, apparently inconsolable.
 CHAPTER III.
Eau Brink Cut—Ramsgate Harbour—Sheerness Dockyard—
Plymouth Breakwater—Anecdote of the late Mr. J. Fox
—London Bridge and Approaches—Sir F. Trench’s Plan
for Quaying the Thames—Nene Outfall—Cross Keys
Bridge—Norfolk Estuary—Improvement of the Witham
—Ancholme Drainage.
It was some time before I could recover from the shock. I had
been absent abroad nearly two years and four months, and had
passed through so many different scenes, that when I returned to
England everything seemed perfectly new to me; being deprived of
my father so unexpectedly threw me almost into a state of despair,
so that I scarcely felt myself equal to undertake the responsibility of
following his noble career, which I could never expect to equal. After
giving way to my melancholy reflections for about a month, I
determined to rouse myself to the utmost and to do my best, and
with his brilliant example before me, and cheered on by his
numerous attached friends, I felt that if I had no chance of attaining
the same degree of celebrity as my dear father, I might still do
something, and although lungo intervállo, I might still keep up the
name. I determined therefore to set to work in right earnest and
endeavour to obtain some of my father’s numerous appointments.
My first ambition was to succeed him in his numerous great works
then being carried on by the Admiralty, such as the Plymouth
Breakwater, and the new Chatham and Woolwich dockyards.
That most excellent and able man, the late Lord Melville, was at
the head of the Admiralty; the distinguished and gallant Sir George
Cockburn, one of Nelson’s officers at the Nile and elsewhere, was
the First Naval Lord; John Wilson Croker and Sir John Barrow were
the Secretaries; and there never has been such a galaxy of talent at
the Admiralty since. All these great and good men have since passed
away from us, not without, however, leaving behind them
indisputable monuments of their skill and the great benefits they
conferred upon their country. As for myself, I owe them my deepest
gratitude, and shall never forget their kindness. I was appointed by
the Admiralty to succeed my father as their engineer. This high
honour at my early age (for I was only seven-and-twenty) filled me
with the greatest thankfulness, although I felt it was due to no merit
of my own, but rather to the regard and respect which they
entertained for my father; I therefore resolved to do everything in
my power to render myself worthy of it, and set to work with right
good will.
The next appointment I obtained was as drainage engineer to the
Eau Brink Commissioners. This was at that time the greatest work of
the kind, at the head of which were the late General Lord William
Bentinck, afterwards Governor-General of India; the late Sir Andrew
Hammond, Bart.; the late Sir Charles Browne, physician to the King
of Prussia; and the late Thomas Hoseason, Esq., of Banklands, in the
district of Marshland, near Lynn. These able and distinguished men
formed the Committee for carrying into effect the Eau Brink Cut, for
the improvement of the drainage of the great level of the fens,
called the Bedford Level, amounting to about 300,000 acres of
valuable land. This work consisted of a cut for altering the channel
of the Ouse, by means of which nearly two miles of the navigation of
that river would be saved, and an additional fall for the drainage of
five feet perpendicular would be gained. This great work had been
planned nearly a century before, but had always been opposed by
the inhabitants of the fens, as being in their opinion inadequate to
effect the desired object. At length, after great opposition on the
part of the townspeople, who alleged that it would ruin their harbour
and trade, the plan was decided on, and an Act of Parliament was
obtained, in the year 1781, to carry it into effect, and to lay a tax of
4d. per acre per annum upon all fen lands which it was supposed
would derive benefit from it; certain guarantees were given to Lynn
Harbour and the interior navigation interests, as well as to the
owners of the banks of the Ouse, that they should be indemnified
for any damages they might sustain in consequence of the Eau Brink
Cut being executed. Under this Act it was decreed that there should
be two engineers, one appointed by the drainage interests, namely,
the late Robert Mylne (the architect of Blackfriars Bridge), and Sir
Thomas Hyde Page, R.E., as the engineer for navigation. These two
gentlemen were to decide the direction and dimensions of the
proposed Eau Brink Cut, which was to commence below German’s
Bridge and to terminate a short distance above the boat wharf at
Lynn. They, however, differed so materially that it was necessary to
call in an umpire to decide between them, and the late scientific
Captain Joseph Huddart, of the Trinity Board, and the inventor of the
celebrated patent cable machinery, was appointed arbitrator. Captain
Huddart made his award; but when it was determined to carry on
the works, it was found that the whole of the funds appropriated for
that purpose, which amounted to about 80,000l., had been
expended in litigation and the cost of obtaining the Act of
Parliament, so that the whole matter fell to the ground.
Meanwhile the defective state of drainage of the great level of the
fens still continued, and everybody was convinced that the only
remedy was to carry into effect the Eau Brink Cut as awarded by
Captain Huddart. It was therefore resolved that a new Act of
Parliament should be obtained for this purpose, increasing the tax
upon the lands proposed to be benefited sufficiently to cover the
costs according to the estimate of my father, who was appointed
engineer-in-chief of the drainage interests; and the above-mentioned
gentlemen, Lord W. Bentinck, Sir A. Hammond, Sir Charles Browne,
and Thomas Hoseason, Esq., were appointed as the executive
committee.
The Act having passed, Messrs. Jolliffe and Banks tendered for,
and received and executed the contract.
The effect of this work greatly exceeded the most sanguine
expectations of its supporters. Immediately after it was opened the
low-water mark at the upper end of the cut fell five feet, and the
drainage waters were carried off with a degree of rapidity which
astonished the whole country. The autumn and winter of 1821-2 was
characterized by an unusual quantity of rainfall, and if it had not
been for the opening of the Eau Brink Cut the whole, or the greater
part, of the level of the fens would have been under water, and
therefore the fenmen were very well pleased with the result. At this
time I was appointed to succeed my father as chief drainage
engineer, and the late Mr. Telford had been previously appointed the
chief engineer for navigation. Immediately after my appointment,
which was in the month of December, 1821, I went to Lynn to
examine the works, and was much astonished to find the great
effects which had been produced by the Eau Brink Cut. Instead of
the circuitous old shallow course, full of shoals and obstructions of
every kind, there was a fine straight, deep channel, two miles
shorter than the old one, of the proper width, bordered by strong
banks of the full height; the floods passed off without difficulty, and
the navigation was so much improved that the lighters and barges
going up the river from Lynn saved several tides. It is true that upon
examining the country between Denver Sluice and Cambridge, there
was a great deal of water out in several places, but this was
attributed to the interior drains and rivers not being properly
defended and embanked, so that they could carry off the water to
the main outfall below. I also examined the new steam pumping
apparatus, which had lately been erected for draining Soham and
other fens. This, although proposed by my father in 1786, was the
first of the kind that had been erected. It consisted of a scoop
wheel, with a perpendicular lift, worked by a condensing engine. It
answered its object completely, and has since been imitated by
numerous others with equal success in different parts of the fen and
lowland districts. Yet in many places it has been found very difficult
to induce the fen proprietors to combine together in order to effect a
natural drainage, which would be better and less expensive; they
prefer to act independently of each other, and adopt the steam
wheel. Still, even with this, the main outfalls must be improved to
their fullest extent, otherwise the water cannot run off; and when
the floods in the adjacent rivers rise so high that the banks are
endangered, the pumping must be discontinued, otherwise the
banks will break, and then a greater injury will ensue. Nevertheless,
the steam pumping apparatus is an immense improvement on the
old windmill, which could only work when there was wind.
My next appointment was to succeed my father as engineer-in-
chief to Ramsgate Harbour.
This harbour was established by special Act of Parliament for the
purpose of affording shelter to vessels of 300 tons lying in the
Downs during south-west gales. When these winds prevail that
anchorage is crowded with all classes of vessels, and the smaller
ones, not being so well found with ground tackle as the larger, are
liable to be driven from their moorings and fall foul of the larger
vessels, causing them to go adrift also, and thus creating
considerable confusion and damage; but by having Ramsgate under
their lee, the small vessels can always get under way, run for it at
the commencement of the flood, and reach it in safety long before
high water, at which time the Goodwin Sands are covered, and a
heavy sea rolls into the Downs. In fact, Ramsgate Harbour was
made for clearing the Downs of small vessels, so that the large ones
may ride in safety, and so far has effectually answered its object.
There were a certain number of trustees appointed under the Act,
who were selected from the principal merchants and shipowners of
London, and the Deputy Master and three or four Elder Brethren of
the Trinity were members of the Board of Trustees ex officio. At the
time I was appointed engineer, the celebrated Sir William Curtis,
Bart., member for the City of London, was chairman, and the worthy
Deputy Master of the Trinity House, Sir John Woolmore, represented
that Corporation with three others of the Elder Brethren. As this was
one of the oldest and most important harbour trusts in the kingdom,
I felt great honour in being appointed their chief engineer, the more
so as the celebrated Smeaton and my father had previously occupied
that position. It was here that Smeaton followed out the idea that
had been originally proposed at Dundee, of establishing an inner
basin with sluices for the purpose of scouring away the mud which
continually accumulated in the outer harbour, owing to the great
quantity of alluvial matter brought in from the adjacent coast and
waters, which otherwise in a very short time would have filled it up
and rendered it useless. Ramsgate Harbour was also celebrated for
being the first place of the kind where the diving bell was introduced
by Smeaton for the purpose of laying down moorings and removing
obstacles under water. The diving bell was afterwards, in 1813,
much improved, and rendered, for the first time, applicable to
building masonry under water with as much security and accuracy as
building upon dry land. In such an exposed situation it was more
economical and expeditious than the old cofferdams; it was in this
manner Mr. Rennie rebuilt the east pier-head in 17 feet at low-water
spring tides, which was originally made by Smeaton, and which
failed. I also succeeded my father at Sunderland, Donaghadee, Port
Patrick, and Kingstown harbours, the West India Docks, besides
other places soon afterwards, so that I had a large business, and
was daily getting more.
The most difficult and anxious work, however, at that time was the
new dockyard at Sheerness, designed and partly carried into effect
by my father. He originally, in the year 1807, recommended that the
old dockyard, which was composed only of some old wooden slips
imbedded in the mud, a few storehouses, a wretched basin, lined
with wooden walls, and some timber jetties, should be abolished. He
said that it was on the lee or wrong side of the harbour, that the
foundation for new works was of mud and quicksand, that the
space, on account of the buildings in the old town, was very
confined, and, therefore, that to make a good dockyard there would
be very expensive, and he thought it would be far better to make a
new complete establishment at Northfleet, just above Gravesend,
and to get rid of Woolwich, Deptford, and Sheerness altogether. Mr.
Pitt, then Prime Minister, decided that it should be done; but when
he died the matter fell to the ground, as I have before said, although
the land was bought for the purpose.
However, after the great war had terminated, in 1815, the nation
was naturally anxious to reduce the expenditure as much as
possible, so that the House of Commons would not listen to the idea
of expending any large sums upon great new works either for the
navy or the army; and it was only after considerable difficulty that
the House of Commons would grant money for the repairs of
Sheerness Dockyard, and, like most extensive repairs, it was found,
when too late, that it would have been far better to have abandoned
Sheerness altogether.
Nevertheless it was absolutely necessary to do something to the
Thames and Medway dockyards, to keep in repair the large fleet of
vessels which was there laid up in ordinary. The total number of
pennants flying at the close of the war was about 1000, and the last
vote for seamen in 1815 included 127,000 sailors and marines. As
there was greater depth of water at Sheerness than at any of the
dockyards, and as the harbour immediately contiguous was capable
of accommodating with ease any number of large vessels, Sheerness
was decided upon as the place where the greatest repairs and
improvements should be made, and it ended in an entirely new
dockyard being built. The works accordingly commenced in 1815,
and the late Lord Melville laid the first stone at the north end that
year. It ended in expending nearly 3,000,000l., 1,700,000l. of which
went to the engineering department, and the remainder in the
purchase of ground, buildings in the town of Sheerness, in
storehouses, mast and timber ponds, smithery, admiral’s and
officers’ houses. The engineering works were of the most difficult
kind; the foundations were composed of nothing but soft mud and
loose quicksands to an almost interminable depth, so that my father
was obliged to invent an entirely new system of hollow walls faced
with granite in front and brick behind. This system of walls, which
was entirely new, by giving a greater superficial area of bearing
surface with the same weight of materials, rendered them
thoroughly secure. He had adopted this kind of construction with
perfect success at the docks at Great Grimsby, in Lincolnshire, and
they succeeded equally well at Sheerness, although exposed to
much greater difficulties. The dockyard as completed consists of one
basin of nearly 3 acres, at the east end of which are three docks for
first-rate vessels of war, with a depth of 9 feet at low water of spring
tides, the basin being of the same depth, so that with a rise of tide
of 18 feet at spring tides the largest vessels can always be docked at
those times. There is also another tidal basin of about the same size,
together with large storehouses, smithery, mast ponds, boathouses,
admiral’s and officers’ houses, chapel, &c., and ample space for
timber and other materials. This dockyard, therefore, as was the
intention, is well adapted for keeping in repair the numerous vessels
lying up in ordinary in the adjacent harbour, or for executing any
repairs which vessels on the northern stations may require; it never
was intended to be a building yard, and it answers its original
purpose well. It should be mentioned, that here Mr. Rennie first
introduced cast-iron gates for the dry docks; these fitted to the
granite quoins so nicely by polishing the two surfaces, iron and
stone, with emery, that they worked together perfectly, and were
completely water-tight; and although they have now been in use
forty-five years, they are as good as on the day when they were
made.
At the time that these works were proceeding, it was decided to
make a new large granite dry dock at Chatham, similar to those at
Sheerness; and some improvements in the line of river wall, which
partly interfered with the free circulation of the tide there, were
being constructed when I was appointed, and I finished them.
The breakwater in Plymouth Sound, which was designed by my
father and commenced in 1815, had made considerable progress; in
fact, the great mass of rubble stone had been deposited throughout
its entire length, so that vessels of war as well as merchantmen
could safely lie under its protection during the heaviest gales from
the westward. When I was appointed engineer to the Admiralty, the
late excellent Mr. Joseph Whidbey, who was distinguished for his
scientific acquirements, and who had sailed round the world with
Vancouver, was the superintendent of the breakwater, so that I had
but little to do with it until the latter end of 1824, when, on the 22nd
and 23rd of November of that year, a violent storm occurred from
the south-south-west, the most dangerous wind, and its effect upon
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